Young Iraqis and Lebanese aren’t just demanding better societies. They’re creating them at protest sites
By Tamara Qiblawi and Mohammed Tawfeeq, CNN
Updated
1:42 AM EST, Thu November 7, 2019
(CNN) —
An elderly woman in an SUV snakes through a crowd of young people on Beirut’s main highway, known as “the Ring.” “You shouldn’t have let her pass!” protester Amir Baroudy, 26, yells at a group of youths, apparently distracted from the task at hand: forcing a road closure.
The demonstrators are scattered around the entrance to the Ring. Some form a circle, sitting cross-legged on the asphalt. One protester rolls a cigarette, another scrolls through his phone. A month ago, the city’s residents would have considered the scene surreal. But since nationwide protests against political elites and corruption took off on October 17, casual gatherings of young men and women disrupting Lebanon’s main arteries have become the norm.
Protesters sit in the middle of a highway during anti-government demonstrations in Beirut, Lebanon, on October 28.
“This specific place is significant,” says the long-haired, bearded Baroudy. “The Ring was used to divide people during the civil war, and this is the connecting point.” The highway cuts across a former frontline, the “green line” that split predominantly Christian East Beirut from predominantly Muslim West Beirut until the end of the country’s civil war in 1990, laying waste to its central district.
“Now this protest unites people together under one cause, one flag, no political parties, no sectarianism. Everyone’s here together, united on this bridge,” says Baroudy.
In Iraq, protests are also ongoing against government corruption, a lack of basic services and growing unemployment. As in Lebanon, demonstrators there have transformed once heavily policed urban spaces into bastions of dissent. In Baghdad’s al-Tahrir tunnel, men and women take cover from security forces and treat the wounded. Murals cover the tunnel walls.
The heart of old Beirut – a neighborhood normally manned by private security guards – is speckled with clusters of tents where activists meet for lively discussions about their future.
Murals are painted in the al-Tahrir tunnel in central Baghdad, Iraq, on November 3.
PHOTO:
Abdul Razzaq a-l Obeid
Lebanese protesters sleep in tents in front of the government headquarters, known as the Grand Serail building, in Beirut on October 25.
PHOTO:
ANWAR AMRO/AFP via Getty Images
The young lead the charge here. They insist on shaking off political realities they see both as archaic and to blame for a steady decline in their living conditions.
“If you look at the scenes that we’ve seen in (Lebanon’s) Tripoli and Beirut, in Baghdad and Karbala (in Iraq), it’s almost like they’re trying to replicate how they want society to behave,” said analyst and development specialist Hafsa Halawa.
“Whether it’s women who are treating the injured… whether it’s couples proposing, whether it’s people with rainbow flags, these are all indications of what kind of society they want to live in,” she told CNN.
“It’s not just about governance. It’s primarily about identity. This is what it means to be Lebanese these days. This is what it means to be Iraqi.”
The young at the forefront
Young protesters in Iraq and Lebanon say they are outraged at the perceived arrogance of the political elite. A proposed tax on WhatsApp calls by the Lebanese government exposed a gaping disconnect between the country’s leadership and an increasingly tech-savvy – as well as impoverished – population that has come to rely on free phone calls.
Photos: Lebanon in crisis
A Lebanese protester speaks into a megaphone on December 16 as demonstrators gather near the home of caretaker Prime Minister Saad Hariri in Beirut.
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Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images
Photos: Lebanon in crisis
Supporters of Lebanon's Shiite Hezbollah and Amal groups throw fireworks towards Lebanese riot police during clashes on December 14 in Beirut.
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Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images
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Anti-government protesters scuffle with riot police on December 4 in Beirut.
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Patrick Baz/AFP via Getty Images
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Demonstrators raise a giant fist sign that bears the Arabic word for "revolution" on November 22 in Martyrs' Square.
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Patrick Baz/AFP via Getty Images
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People take part in an Independence Day event on November 22. Lebanon marked 76 years of self-rule, with nationwide festivities organized by anti-government protesters in lieu of a traditional military parade.
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Patrick Baz/AFP via Getty Images
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A Lebanese protester kisses the helmet of a riot policeman on November 19 near the parliament headquarters in Beirut.
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Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images
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Cars navigate a flaming barricade set by anti-government protesters in the southern city of Sidon on November 19, ahead of a parliament session.
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Mahmoud Zayyat/AFP via Getty Images
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A mourner lights a candle at a makeshift memorial where Alaa Abu Fakher was killed by a Lebanese soldier during Tuesday night protests south of Beirut in Khaldeh neighborhood on November 13. Fakher was the first to be killed in direct shooting related to the protests, though there have been four other deaths since the demonstrations began.
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Hussein Malla/AP
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Riot police remove anti-government protesters who were occupying an intersection in Beirut, Lebanon, on Monday, November 4.
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Sam Tarling/Getty Images
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Protesters perch on an overhead road sign in Beirut on November 4.
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Patrick Baz/AFP via Getty Images
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Police move an anti-government protester on Monday.
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Hussein Malla/AP
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Protesters light flares and chant slogans against the Lebanese government on Sunday, November 3.
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Bilal Hussein/AP
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An aerial view shows thousands of Lebanese protesters gathered in Beirut's downtown district on Sunday.
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AFP via Getty Images
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Supporters of embattled Lebanese President Michel Aoun take part in a counter-protest near the presidential palace in Baabda on November 3.
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Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images
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Demonstrators chant slogans during a rally on Sunday.
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Bilal Hussein/AP
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An anti-government protester waves a Lebanese flag as he stands on top of a pile of broken tents in Martyrs' Square on October 29.
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Sam Tarling/Getty Images
Photos: Lebanon in crisis
Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri speaks during an address to the nation on October 29. "I can't hide this from you. I have reached a dead end," Hariri said in his resignation speech.
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Hassan Ammar/AP
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Anti-government protesters celebrate outside the government palace after Hariri announced his resignation.
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Bilal Hussein/AP
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Hezbollah supporters burn tents in the camp set up by anti-government protesters near the government palace.
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Hussein Malla/AP
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Members of the Lebanese army, left, help intervene between clashing groups of protesters and counter-protesters on a highway in central Beirut.
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Joseph Eid/AFP via Getty Images
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An armored personnel carrier removes a burning garbage container set alight by anti-government protesters on Monday, October 28.
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Hussein Malla/AP
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Anti-government protesters play a dice game as they block a main highway during during demonstrations.
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Hussein Malla/AP
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Protesters hold hands to form a human chain along a coastal highway near Beirut on Sunday, October 27.
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Patrick Baz/AFP via Getty Images
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A Lebanese demonstrator scuffles with security forces trying to disperse protesters who were blocking a major bridge in Beirut on Sunday, October 27.
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Stringer/AFP via Getty Images
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Anti-government protesters and Hezbollah supporters clash on Friday, October 25.
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Hassan Ammar/AP
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Protesters and counter-protesters face off near the government palace on October 25.
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Hussein Malla/AP
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A protester uses a national flag to cover himself as it rains during a demonstration on Wednesday, October 23.
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Joseph Eid/AFP via Getty Images
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Anti-government protesters wave flags and shout slogans as Lebanese soldiers encircle them on October 23.
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Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images
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A rally takes place in Beirut outside the Mohammad al-Amin Mosque and the nearby Maronite Cathedral of St. George on Sunday, October 20.
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Patrick Baz/AFP via Getty Images
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Police stand guard as anti-government protesters try to remove a barbed-wire barrier to advance toward government buildings on Saturday, October 19.
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Hassan Ammar/AP
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Demonstrators wave flags as they gather in the southern city of Sidon on October 19.
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Mahmoud Zayyat/AFP via Getty Images
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A protester holds a Lebanese flag as he sits in an inflatable pool on a highway in the town of Zouk Mosbeh on October 19.
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Joseph Eid/AFP via Getty Images
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Lebanese soldiers stand guard in Beirut's financial district on October 19.
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PATRICK BAZ/AFP via Getty Images
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A Lebanese demonstrator with her face painted like the comic book character the Joker takes part in a protest in Beirut on October 19.
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PATRICK BAZ/AFP via Getty Images
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A protester rolls a tire toward a smoking roadblock in Beirut on Friday, October 18.
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Diego Ibarra Sanchez/The New York Times via Redux
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Lebanese police use a water cannon on anti-government protesters on October 18.
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Hassan Ammar/AP
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A demonstrator flashes a victory sign as he holds a national flag near a roadblock on October 18.
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Hassan Ammar/AP
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Lebanese demonstrators burn wood and debris on Thursday, October 17.
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Anwar Amro/AFP/Getty Images
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Demonstrators wave flags outside the government palace in Beirut on October 17.
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Stringer/AFP/Getty Images
In Iraq, a growing chasm between the political order and younger people (especially those under 25) that formed in the aftermath of the 2003 invasion has caused seething resentment.
“Following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, religious leaders dominated almost every political party. At the time, people accepted these parties and their leaders,” said Iraqi activist Ahmed Salim. “Since that time, we have seen a new generation rising. This generation grew up in times of corruption which led to violence and instability in the country.”
“We also have a degree of awareness that our parents did not have. We are also connected to the world through social media and television,” Salim told CNN.
Protests in Iraq were met with the brute power of the security forces. Over 200 protesters have been killed and thousands injured since the start of the protests, according to the Independent High Commission for Human Rights of Iraq. But the young continued to defy the threat of violence, organizing around places such as al-Tahrir bridge, with young men and women treating the wounded and giving out water, food, hard hats and gas masks to demonstrators facing tear gas.
Protesters stage a sit-in around a bridge leading to the Green Zone government areas in Baghdad on November 5.
PHOTO:
Hadi Mizban/AP
“The groups provide logistical support, fundraising, delivery of medical material, medical volunteers from the medical schools. Tents, and tents. We also use tuk tuk to transport the wounded,” says activist Salim, referring to the yellow motorized rickshaws typically used as taxis in working-class neighborhoods.
Dozens of tuk tuk drivers volunteered to help evacuate the injured, as well as to deliver water and food to protesters from people donating them.
“The tuk tuk has become a symbol of the revolution. We even created a ‘Tuk Tuk’ newspaper,” Salim said.
Tuk tuks have emerged as a symbol of the Iraqi protests.
PHOTO:
SABAH ARAR/AFP via Getty Images
Like the Arab uprisings of 2011, social media has helped galvanize this autumn’s Middle Eastern protests, providing tools for organization, and allowing calls for political renewal to cut across social classes, attracting followers in urban and rural areas alike.
Human rights are key to the protest movement. Even as protesters call for better economic conditions and object to corruption, they insist on transcending religious and class divisions.
The national flags of Iraq and Lebanon have emerged as an unlikely symbol of dissent in these movements. Protesters painted national emblems on their faces and draped flags on their shoulders as they faced off with security forces. A mural at Baghdad’s al-Tahrir tunnel portrays a woman waving the Iraqi flag, with writing that reads: “We want a nation.”
Protesters hold sectarian political systems, which Iraq and Lebanon have in common, accountable for the social barriers that have fueled decades of civil unrest.
An Iraqi girl holding a national flag and a cell phone chants at a demonstration outside the port of Umm Qasr on November 5.
PHOTO:
HUSSEIN FALEH/AFP via Getty Images
“Our protests are unlike protests in the past. Before, protests were a mix of religious groups making political demands,” said Sahar Qassim, a 28-year-old activist in Baghdad. “Now, the protests are political, and religion does not play a role in our demands.”
Social utopias and political organizing
But amid the displays of unity, some protesters privately worry that they are not sufficiently organized. Political figures, such as Hassan Nasrallah, leader of the Iranian-backed political and militant group Hezbollah, have criticized the movement for being “unclear” about their demands.
The slogans that resonate most loudly are “the people want the downfall of the regime” and “revolution.”
“One of the questions I constantly come back to in looking at both protests, is, you want to renew the political class, where do we even start?” says Halawa.
In Lebanon, a prominent figure in the protests, Charbel Nahas, has repeatedly warned that the country could “slip into violence” in the absence of political organizing.
So far, however, the movements have insisted that they are leaderless. Lists of demands have emerged at protest sites, but many of the calls compete with one another, with few groups presenting themselves as capable of leading their countries into a new phase. “Political parties” is a reviled term to many, who feel it is reminiscent of the heavily factionalized status quo.
An anti-government protester smokes a water pipe as others block a main highway in Beirut on November 4.
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Bilal Hussein/AP
Protesters also fear that more political organization may disrupt the “social utopias” of the demonstration sites, Halawa said. Having protesters commit to political plans could potentially divide people, and engaging with the politicians means that the protest movement could become tainted by the wheeling and dealing of politicians. Halawa called it the movement’s “paradox.”
“When the movement becomes political, when it reaches the point when representatives are negotiating on their behalf with the regime, the problem becomes ownership,” she said. “Everybody owns it but you can’t all be in the room at the same time.”
“It is a question of having to sacrifice part of that utopia that is your protest center in order to play the game,” Halawa said. “The game is inherently dirty. That’s politics.”