By August 1974, though, Nixon was gone and for the first time in the nuclear age, the parameters of presidential power came under renewed scrutiny.
The War Powers Act, passed over a zombie Nixon's veto
in late 1973, and budget reform
, which increased legislators' say in federal spending, followed a month before his resignation. A parade of "good government" laws
, along with the Church Committee's final report
, issued in 1976 after a years-long inquiry into abuses by federal agencies, rounded out the decade.
Americans' taste for more modest leadership had its limits, though, especially in the Cold War era. Jimmy Carter's sweaters and town hall meetings soon gave way to Ronald Reagan and a new period of executive expansion, one that carried on unbroken through five administrations, Republican and Democratic, and into President Donald Trump's chaotic first year in office.
During his brief time in Washington, Trump has casually trashed the stage-managed status quo refined over decades by his predecessors, openly endorsing his wide authority and, just 10 days after his inauguration, flirting -- for the first time -- with a constitutional crisis by firing the acting attorney general
after she refused to defend his travel ban in court.
But early suggestions that Trump's publicly stated disdain for the rule of law, as seen in his attacks on federal judges
, and erratic behavior in dealing with nuclear-armed North Korea might compel Congress to consider new restraints on his office have mostly dried up -- even as open bipartisan concern over the breadth of presidential power has bubbled up for the first time in a generation.
In November, Republican Sen. Bob Corker held a hearing
to examine, as he put it, "the authority and process for using US nuclear weapons." A pair of bipartisan bills
crafted to make it more difficult, or impossible, for Trump to fire special counsel Robert Mueller made the rounds on Capitol Hill in 2017. Meanwhile, conversation about the 25th Amendment
, an arcane and untested process for removing a president "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office," is resurfacing, if only as the stuff of liberal pipe dreams.
The last best chance
The unwillingness of GOP lawmakers to imperil the promise of Trump's ready signature on bills like their 2017 tax cuts goes only part of the way in explaining the current gridlock. Historians point to the ultimately failed or abandoned reforms of the mid- to late 1970s, capped off by the onset of the Reagan era, as a touchstone moment in the rise of the modern "imperial presidency."
"People were lusting for leadership and Reagan projected this viceroy-like, imperial air about him," said Rick Perlstein, chronicler of the postwar conservative movement and author of "Nixonland" and "The Invisible Bridge." "Leadership was the big of word of 1979 and a huge part of the presidential election in 1980. And with (Ted) Kennedy challenging Carter, one of the the big things was the return of the Kennedy grandeur, like we saw in the 'Jackie O' movie. On both the Democratic and Republican side, this idea that the presidency had to become this seat of empire" had come roaring back.
Decades on, Trump embraced the expansive authority set before him with unblushing ardor. Where other administrations had at times feigned deference, the new President surged forward headlong
, issuing the travel ban, via executive order, a week after taking office.
The tumult of the year that followed, despite the increasingly vocal anxieties of unsettled voters, did little to grow a real appetite among lawmakers for rethinking or shrinking executive power. The reaction, should it come, is more likely to show itself in the rhetoric that colors the next presidential cycle.
"It's very easy to see a 2020 Democratic nominee -- and if Trump goes away, a 2020 Republican nominee too -- campaigning implicitly or explicitly on a platform of 'restoring the presidency,' " Perlstein said, recalling George W. Bush's promise to return "honor and dignity to the White House" two decades earlier, as he ran to replace the scandal-ridden (if popular) Bill Clinton.
But the swamp is as yet unswayed.
"There's not a discourse that's present among opinion-holding elites that even invites" discussion of anything more than surface-level reform, Perlstein said.
Turning outrage into action
Julian Zelizer, a history and public affairs professor at Princeton University, was similarly skeptical that Trump's constant stress-testing of the checks on his power would inspire a serious effort to fortify them -- even with critics and political opponents baying for congressional action.
"Outrage is different than a backlash," Zelizer said. "Meaning: It will really depend on how people vote, what kind of legislators they vote for, what signal they send to the President and Congress in the polls. So we're not quite in the '70s yet. But we're in a moment when we're seeing just how powerful the president can be."
The midterm elections, he added, present the best opportunity, and a slim one at that, for voters to corner lawmakers into considering some manner of material pushback. Even then, there will likely need to be more -- more open corruption, a damning report from Mueller and the prospect of a complete wipeout in the 2020 elections -- to create even the narrowest opening.