(CNN) If you want to know what Southern heritage is all about, don't follow the debate over the Confederate flag.
One battle the Confederate flag is still winning
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Follow the money, says Michael Lind, a historian and native Southerner.
While the Confederate battle flag may be coming down in places like South Carolina, there is one part of the Old South's heritage that is becoming more popular.
"Southernomics," an economic policy honed in the Old South, is spreading across the United States, says Lind, author of "Land of Promise: An Economic History of the United States."
The Old South didn't just give the nation the Confederate flag, "Gone with the Wind" and mint juleps. Its leaders refined the practice of exploiting workers, busting unions and being stingy with investments in public services. Each tactic was designed to create a desperate and powerless workforce that could be exploited by Northern and overseas businesses, Lind and other historians say.
White supremacy was never the driving force behind Southernomics -- then or now. Greed and class domination were, says Lind, a fellow at the New America Foundation in Washington, a left-leaning think-tank, and a contributor to POLITICO magazine.
"You have to address race, but you can't address race only," Lind says of the flag debate. "You have to address class and the economic system. Even if you got rid of racism, the Southern economic model still exists. It's unchanged."
That model is a part of Southern heritage that few people talk about. But it as much of a part of the Old South as the region's stately antebellum mansions, some historians say.
"You could draw a line from the antebellum South to the economics of the South today," says Jerald Podair, a history professor at Lawrence University in Wisconsin.
"From the time of the Southern plantation owners, there have been a small group of people in the South who hold the power economically and they don't really distribute the wealth that's created in a democratic way," says Podair.
Some of the most vicious political fights we have today have their origins in the Old South.
Consider the debate over "Big Government" vs. "trickle-down economics." That argument didn't start with President Ronald Reagan, who once declared: "Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem."
His rhetoric could have been taken from the playbook of the Redeemers, a movement led by pro-business Southern politicians in the late 19th century who vowed to undo the racial and economic reforms unleashed by post-Civil War Reconstruction, which lasted from 1865 to 1877.
Reconstruction was a traumatic experience for some Southerners. It represented the nation's first attempt to construct an interracial democracy. Newly freed slaves earned the right to vote, civil rights laws were passed and blacks were elected to Congress and state legislatures throughout the South.
The notion that the nation's government should help those who couldn't help themselves didn't exist in the South before the Civil War, historians say. Reconstruction changed that. The federal government built the first public schools in the South, which educated poor whites and blacks, as well as public hospitals and roads. It even created the nation's first national health care system for freed slaves.
The Redeemers, though, eventually gained control of most Southern statehouses and pledged to reduce the size of government. As the federal government withdrew resources for Reconstruction, the Redeemers defunded public schools, closed public hospitals and halted road construction, all while cutting taxes for the wealthy plantation owners, the "1-percenters" of their day.
The notion of investing in workers and infrastructure was alien to the Redeemers, says Douglas R. Egerton, author of "The Wars of Reconstruction."
"It was not on their agenda," Egerton says. "They ran for office on the promise of cutting back and spending less."
The Redeemers wanted to create a cheap labor force and low-tax environment throughout the South to entice Northern manufacturers to relocate to their region, says Egerton, a history professor at Le Moyne College in Syracuse, New York.
"They are the ones who are making promises to Northern money men: There'll be no unions. This will be a free range for Northern capital," Egerton says.
Many Southern industrialists and political leaders are making the same promises today, says Lind.
Their pattern is the same as that of the 19th century Southern elite -- weaken workers' power and lure corporations with promises of low taxes and minimal regulation, Lind says.
Measures that would make life easier for ordinary workers -- guaranteed health care, unemployment benefits, minimum wage laws -- are all opposed under Southernomics because they make workers less dependent on their employers, Lind says.
"If you have free universal health care and free education supported by public school taxes, then you have more bargaining power with your bosses," Lind says. "But if everything is privatized, and ordinary Americans have to pay for everything through their wages, then they're at the mercy of their employers. If the workers know they'll be ruined if they lost their jobs, they're not going to be uppity. You want to break their spirit."
The South may be the most difficult region in the country for workers to get uppity.
Every Southern state is a "right-to-work" state, which means it has laws that make it more difficult for unions to organize. And though there is a national movement to raise the federal minimum wage, there are still five states that have refused to adopt a state minimum wage. All of them -- Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina and Tennessee -- are in the South.
Less worker power may be one reason the South is often touted as a "business-friendly climate." Some Southern governors like former Texas Gov. Rick Perry have openly boasted about traveling to other states to poach businesses with promises