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The Sixties: The Times They Are A-Changin'
Aired August 9, 2014 - 22:00 ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We must open opportunity to all our people.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: We feel that women will work just as good as men and better.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The husband is the guy who is in charge and should be all of the time.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: The latest threat to the status quo is the women's revolt.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: It is a pleading for social change.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Even the fear of imprisonment forces most homosexuals to camouflage their identity.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Kids grow up conservatives.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: The public did not have the whole picture.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: What we are talking about is a revolution and not a reform.
MIKE WALLACE, CBS NEWS: We agree that the '60s saw explosive social change. But the question is why in the '60s, Eric?
ERIC SEVARIED, CBS NEWS: There are periods in history as far I can see it with the human energies, both constructive that seem comes to a boil.
GAIL COLLINS, AUTHOR, WHEN EVERYTHING CHANGED: You are living in a time of incredible economic growth. In theory, things had never, ever, ever been better.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: It was just a really American Norman Rockwell vision.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: But the trouble is there are all kinds of tensions.
DAN CATER, AUTHOR, THE POLITICS OF RAGE: Civil rights movement is the seminal event of the 1960s that ignites so many changes in society.
ELLA BAKER, CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST: The day has come when racism must be banished.
GLORIA STEINEM, FEMINIST ACTIVIST: The civil rights movement was incredibly inspiring. But at the same time, the women in it were not recognized as leaders in the same way that the men were. It said to us if these movements we love still are not equal, then there has to be an autonomous women's movement.
MAY CRAIG, GANNETT NEWSPAPER: Mr. President, the democratic platform promises to work for equal rights for women, including equal pay. What have you done for the women?
JOHN F. KENNEDY, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: I'm sure we haven't done enough.
TERRY O'NEILL, PRESIDENT, NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN: In 1961, President Kennedy creates a commission on the status of women.
ROBYN MUNCY, AUTHOR, ENDANGERING AMERICA: That commission produced a report in 1963 that revealed things like the fact that women earned 59 cents for every dollar that men earned. That women were kept out of the most lucrative professional positions.
CECILLE RICHARDS, PRESIDENT, PLANNED PARENTHOOD: Women couldn't open a bank account in their own name. They couldn't get credit. They certainly couldn't open their own business.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Women couldn't serve on juries in some states.
MUNCY: There was one kind of disadvantage after another that was revealed altogether in this one report.
ELEANOR ROOSEVELT, CHAIR, COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN: Perhaps you would be willing to tell the people what you feel is the real need for it.
KENNEDY: We want to be sure that the women are used as effectively as they can to provide a better life for our people, in addition to meeting their primary responsibility, which is in the home.
CARTER: Women's position as it had traditionally been was that they were husband's help mates.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Jack, what is your definition of a husband?
JACK PALANCE, ACTOR: I think it's like driving the horse. He's got to hold the reins. There are just a couple of reins. And if there are two people holding the reins, the horse is going to go skitter scatter everywhere, you know. The husband is the guy who is in charge and should be all of the time.
CARTER: Well, by the 1960s, women's position was changing.
MARLO THOMAS, ACTOR, PRODUCER, THAT GIRL: There was a big change going on in the country. People were talking about this book called "the feminine mystique."
BETTY FRIEDAN, AUTHOR: A woman today has been made to feel freakish and alone and guilty if simply she wants to be more than her husband's wife.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Betty Friedan wrote very much out of her own personal experience.
MUNCY: "The Feminine Mystique" said women were suffering from a problem that has no name, a vague sense of dissatisfaction with the lack of meaning, the lack of opportunity in their lives.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: So many women read "the feminine mystique" and said that's it. That's why I'm so angry. It was a huge, huge deal at the time.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: The middle class woman up and down America is just so wretchedly unhappy that she is sick. You could call it by anything you like, but it is wretchedly boring to be with little tiny children one end of the day the other, especially if you think that you should love it all the time.
TODD GITLIN, AUTHOR, THE SIXTIES: YEARS OF HOPE, DAYS OF RAGE: Women who are being educated for one way of life, which was one in which they had brains, and then they were supposed to have wombs and arms to run vacuum cleaners. And that was a mismatch.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Betty Friedan called for blowing up the rules.
FRIEDAN: You cannot be given equality. You have to assume it.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: And it had a hugely profound impact.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Young women started to see other women saying that women had not gotten enough out of life. And the point was you don't have to be this. Choose what you want, but you don't have to be this one thing.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Here she is, Mrs. Helen Gurley Brown.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Helen Gurley Brown had lived without being married very happily, dating men, having sex, supporting herself. And she wrote a book "sex and the single girl" which was about her life. And it became a huge hit.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Isn't this whole subject of sex being discussed and written and talked about too much?
HELEN GURLEY BROWN, AUTHOR: I can expect a reactionary opinion like that from you. I don't think that at all.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: She openly talked about sex and said you won't get struck by a lightning bolt if you have sex before you're married.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: For average run of the mill women, it was a bigger deal than "the Feminine Mystique." BROWN: Now that it's all right to discuss sex, people are now talking
about it a great deal, and I don't think that's so bad.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Yes, Arthur?
ARTHUR TREACHER, ACTOR: I think that talking about sex wastes such a lot of time.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Helen Gurley Brown pointed out that the guys had one standard, the women had another. And that was a revelation. Rules that had existed for a thousand years just overnight they were gone.
BERNARD EISMANN, ABC NEWS: In a recent survey, 44 percent of the high school and college girls questioned said they approve of sexual intercourse before marriage if they're serious about the young man. Do either of you approve for yourselves of intercourse before marriage?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Yes, I do.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Yes I would say.
EISMANN: Sexual revolution or sexual renaissance? The experts are still trying to define it.
SEVARIED: CBS reports birth control and the law. This is a very personal program. Sometimes the most private matters are also public matters. It is about babies that bless a home and babies that can haunt a home.
STEINEM: Reproductive freedom means it's a basic human right to decide whether and when to have children. But reproductive freedom had not been enunciated in that way.
SEVARIED: The basic disagreement stems from the differences in the moral attitudes towards birth control.
MICHELLE ASHFORD, EXECUTIVE PRODUCER, MASTERS OF SEX: In 1957, the pill was approved by the FDA for severe menstrual distress. What became funny is then everyone seemed to be suffering from severe menstrual distress.
RICHARDS: It wasn't until 1960 the pill was actually approved by the FDA for birth control.
COLLINS: The pill was originally very hard to get. It wasn't like you just went down to the pharmacy and picked it up. That took quite a while.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: This woman asked her doctor for birth control information.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: He said the best thing for me to do was not to be close to my husband. And if I didn't want to get that way, it was up to me.
JAMES MORRIS, BIRTH CONTROL PROTESTER: Well, I'm 100 percent against birth control because it's immoral. It's the same as prostitution or abortion.
RICHARDS: There has always been pushback against birth control. Even when the FDA approved the pill, it was still illegal for many women across the country. So Estelle Griswold, who was the president of planned parenthood in Connecticut decided that she was going to challenge this, and she began handing out birth control, knowing full well she would probably be arrested, which she was.
JULUIS MARETZ, PROSECUTOR, GRISWOLD VERSUS CONNECTICUT: On the 24th of November, we issued two warrants, one against Estelle Griswold, and the other against Dr. C. Lee Buxton in violation of the contraceptive statute.
RICHARDS: The Griswold versus Connecticut case changed everything.
ESTELLE GRISWOLD, PRESIDENT, PLANNED PARENTHOOD CONNECTICUT: I think it's very evidence that the law is unenforceable. I think if you had a policeman under every bed in the state of Connecticut, they still could not prove anything. We are continuing, maybe illegally, but we are continuing our program.
RICHARDS: The case went to the Supreme Court and made birth control legal finally for married couples only. And it was several years later that in fact birth control became legal for all women.
STEINEM: It was very, very important because it both decriminalized contraception and established the right to privacy.
BARBARA WALTERS, THE TODAY SHOW: How many states repealed their law against birth control just in this past year?
HARRIET PIPEL, ATTORNEY: Ten states changed or repealed their laws against birth control. But if I can add the end of 1964 to that, it makes it 13. So that's kind of a national movement.
DAVID BRINKLEY, NBC NEWS: Nearly 7 million American women are now taking oral contraceptives, and they're said to be almost 100 percent effective.
RICHARDS: The birth control pill meant something women could finish their education. They could go in the workforce. And that is what radically changed I think life for women in America is that ability to not only plan their families, but to plan their lives.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: What happened when you went inside?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Well, when I went inside, it said no women.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: What do you feel about this idea that they won't hire women?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: We feel that's it unfair. Because we feel that women will work just as good as men and better.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We're not hiring women at this particular time for the very simple reason the jobs we have available are jobs that only men are able to do.
COLLINS: When the 1964 civil rights act was going through Congress, an amendment was inserted to make it illegal to discriminate on the basis of gender as well as race. No one took it seriously. The National Organization of Women is founded to press forward on that one issue.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: What's the objective of the new organization, NOW?
FRIEDAN: Equality for women in truly equal partnership with men. One of Now's campaign is to make the civil rights act of 1964 really be enforced.
O'NEILL: Suddenly the ivy league colleges began to open their doors to women for the first time. The quotas against women in the accounting field and the legal field and the medical field began to drop away. Betty Friedan wanted results. She wanted something to happen, and it started happening.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Basic training for stewardesses is meant to turn a girl into a woman. The airline gives her beauty tips, a sense of responsibility. Stewardesses must be slinky sex symbols. Pilots can be homely and bald.
COLLINS: They had hearings on the airline industry and the stewardess situation, because of course stewardesses were fired if they got married. And they had to have a certain weight and height, and their hands had to be soft.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: We have an issue here of 32 age retirement because behind that retirement lies the future of the whole profession.
COLLINS: The airline executives are saying their clients are not going to get on board the plane unless there is a beautiful young unmarried woman greeting them at the stairs.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Miss Boland, what are you girls asking the Congress to do for you?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: We're asking them to give us an equal chance to continue in the job that we have chosen as a profession. There is no bona fide reason for terminating girls because they reach 32 or 35 years of age.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Don't you girls know that that's going to happen when you take the job? UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: We know that the companies have applied this
policy. We're hoping and are asking to find a way to change this policy.
O'NEILL: Congress began enforcing the title VII job discrimination laws. Things did begin to happen. The barriers started coming down, and it was real results.
HUGH HEFNER, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, PLAYBOY MAGAZINE: My name is Hugh Hefner, and I'm editor and publisher of "Playboy" magazine. In eight years I've built an empire worth $20 million.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Gloria Steinem was a reporter and a very pretty one. So she went undercover at a bunny at the playboy club.
STEINEM: I remember the young woman who took my false bio. I had said that I was a secretary, and thought being a bunny would be more exciting. And she leaned forward and whispered to me and said honey, if you can type, you don't want to work here.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Bunnies are forbidden to wear jewelry, pale lipstick or gold or green nail varnish. Provocative cottontail must be clean and sparkling.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Gloria exposed how the Playboy bunnies were treated. But they were paid and how they were running around in a club with their breasts exposed and a tail on their butt and with men sort of snapping the napkin at them as they walked by. And so. through her reporting, she was showing sexism in all its different flavors.
STEINEM: That assignment, it was not a great experience. But in retrospect, I'm glad I did it because I got a notice from Hugh Hefner. And they did change the working conditions of those women for the better.
RICHARDS: Gloria Steinem challenged every stereotype of a feminist.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: She was this fabulous looking incredibly smart, direct speaking woman.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Forgive me, but I always thought that you had to be stacked, absolutely stacked to be a bunny girl. How did you get the job?
STEINEM: Well, you don't have to be stacked to be a bunny. In fact, all of that is usually stuffed with gym socks or something. It's where the girls keep their tips. It's sort of traveling cash depositor to is all. RICHARDS: Gloria Steinem could disarm even her harshest critics with
humor and humility. But she was willing to challenge patriarchy at every step of the way.
MUNCY: Gloria Steinem became a brilliant spokesperson for the women's liberation movement.
STEINEM: We've been much too law-abiding and too docile for too long. But I think that period is about over.
MARLENE SANDERS, ABC NEWS: The latest threat to the status quo in America is the women's revolt. This is the symbol for the female. The women's liberation movement has added the equal signs. As a lot of women know, including this one, equality is often missing.
O'NEILL: You have this sort of bubbling up of a desire for real equality. And then you get women beginning to gel from community- based activism to real solid organizing.
MUNCY: The women's liberation movement was a parallel movement to Betty Friedan's the national organization for women. So almost as soon as NOW has formed in 1966, women liberation groups are emerging around the country.
O'NEILL: This younger generation moves in and very much broadens the perspective of the women's movement.
COLLINS: All of these things build on one another. And this younger group not only believed that you need economic power, but that you need a revolution in the relationship between the sexes.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: It was a revolution going on outside. But on television it wasn't a real live girl. And that's what I wanted to do.
O'NEILL: "That Girl." Now that is an incredibly subversive television show, absolutely amazing.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Daddy was just giving me a lecture on sex education.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Why would you need a lecture on sex? What I meant was answer knows all there is to know about sex.
THOMAS: I wasn't married to Donald, my boyfriend. I was doing a television series about a single girl who didn't want to get married and wanted to live on her own. I mean, this was like completely unheard of.
MUNCY: The character that Marlo Thomas played was a fantastic model of women hood herself.
STEINEM: That was the first time ever on television that the woman was allowed to have an independent autonomous life and adventures of her own. THOMAS: It is amazing we waited until the '60s to break the walls
down, but it was time. Everything to do in any movement is how do you get the spotlight and focus it on the issue.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: We decided for at least one week starting yesterday to do everything we can to fight pollution. And Donald, that means all kinds of pollution, there is air pollution, food pollution, there is waste.
THOMAS: I felt strongly about the fact that we could not ignore what the issues of the day were for everything.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: There appears to be growing concerns among scientists that there is a possibility of dangerous long-range side effects from the widespread use of DDT and other pesticides. Have you considered asking the public health service to take a closer look at this?
KENNEDY: Yes. And I know that they already are. I think particularly since this conference broke. But they are examining the matter.
ROBERT F. KENNEDY JR., ENVIRONMENTAL ATTORNEY, AUTHOR: Rachel Carson wrote this book about pesticides called "silent spring" in 1962 and talked about the long-term impacts, the concept of latency and bioaccumulation which were all new terms. Farm animals were dying with regularity because of pesticides. People didn't have any awareness that if the fish ate the bug that was poisoned by pesticides, that that was going to end up in our bodies.
PHILIP SCHABECOFF, AUTHOR, A FIERCE GREEN FIRE: It touched a raw nerve upon the American public.
RACHEL CARSON, AUTHOR: The public was being asked to accept these chemicals and did not have the whole picture. So I set about to remedy the balance there.
ROBERT WHITE STEVENS, CHEMIST: The major claims in Ms. Rachel Carson's book "Silent Spring" are gross distortions of the actual facts.
DOUGLAS BRINKLEY, AUTHOR, SILENT SPRING REVOLUTION: We talk about big oil. Well, there was big chemical. And Rachel Carson got under their skin because she was going to cut into their profits terribly.
R. KENNEDY: She was attacked really viciously by Monsanto, and she was condemned pretty regularly as a spinster and a communist.
DENNIS HAYES, ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVIST: She got called into this battle at a time when she was already in a fairly advanced stage of cancer.
D. BRINKLEY: The U.S. government went into a review of all of her data, and months later came out with a report basically backing Rachel Carson. She dies in 1964 just shortly after with cancer. But if you have to make a hall of fame of people in the environmental movement, Rachel Carson is the game-changer. She is number one. LYNDON JOHNSON, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: By closing
loopholes which permitted pesticides to be sold before they were fully tested, this bill safeguards the health of all Americans. I'm sorry the voice of Rachel Carson is still today. She would have been proud of this bill and this moment.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: There were all of these things that were beginning to affect human health. We had cities in America increasingly having to call smog alerts. We had rivers catching on fire. In the Santa Barbara oil spill, it became clear that even the very richest cities were going to be exposed to massive environmental threats.
BILL STOUT, CBS NEWS: The drilling continues and so do the leaks. And the question here is not whether it will happen again but when and how bad will it be.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Issue after issue kept piling up.
TIMOTHY NAFTALI, HISTORIAN: There is a building sense that we are stakeholders in the environment, that it is something that we humans can rule in. This is a real shift in our thinking.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: People were really worried. And the political establishment started to respond.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Without the environmental movement coming out of the '60s, we would not have the clean air act, the clean water act. I mean, there was a wave of legislation that emerged in the immediate aftermath.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We have not been inactive these last four years. We have saved more. We have preserved more than ever before in our history. I'm convinced that beauty and order in our environment are not frills. I am convinced that they are urgent necessities.
CESAR CHAVEZ, CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST: I think that all of us are looking for a place under the sun. By that I mean for a union we can belong as farm workers.
MIRIAM PAWEL, AUTHOR, THE CRUSADES OF CESAR CHAVEZ: We think as the civil rights movement as generally being about blacks in the south, but there was a Latino civil rights movement as well.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: How much are you even getting for a day's work?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Only $2.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: $2 a day?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Yes. LEONARD STEINHORN, HISTORIAN: Migrant farm workers were getting paid
pennies to feed America and were being sent from farm to farm with barely livable housing conditions.
PAWEL: There are no bathrooms in the fields. Often no clean drinking water. Workers would be forced to use the short handle hoe which is a backbreaking 18 inches from the ground. But it's also an instrument of psychological oppression because the supervisors could look down the row. And if someone stood up to stretch, they could order them back to work. Essentially, there were no labor laws, no health and safety laws that applied to farm workers.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: What do you think of the idea of a union for farm workers?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I think it's ridiculous.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Would you want to live in this --
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I wouldn't live here. You know, you're being very impudent. Would I want to live here?
CHAVEZ: We have a real tough combination fitted against us.
CHARLES KURALT, CBS NEWS: In 1966, it has occurred to a few of them that they ought to have a union. This is the union they formed, the united farm workers organizing committee. Their leader, Cesar Chavez started out as a migrant field work were a seventh grade education.
PAWEL: Cesar Chavez was largely self-taught and becomes this great student of history. He studies Gandhi and Martin Luther King.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: You've got to get out there with a picket sign and get some action going. When you put all those things together, then nonviolence works.
DOCTOR CHON NORIEGA, DIRECTOR, CHICANO STUDIES, UCLA: The united farm workers realized very early on you have to move people. You have to inspire them. So they set upon a march from Delano to Sacramento.
PAWEL: It's a march to get the strike and the farm workers' story outside of California.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Not just Delano. We're fighting for everybody.
PAWEL: You get scenes that resemble some of the things that happened in the south, workers just being nonviolent in the face of provocation from the police.
CHAVEZ: It's a pleading for social change, for social justice to the farm worker and its cause.
TOM PETIT, NBC NEWS: Saturday afternoon, a light rain was falling as the marchers arrived outside Sacramento.
PAWEL: So when they start in Delano, there are about 75 marchers. By the time they get to Sacramento, there are 10,000 people rallied on the steps of state capitol.
DOLORES HUERTA, LABOR LEADER: The workers are on -- Delano, and the workers know that they are no longer alone.
PAWEL: One of the things that Chavez does that really catapults the movement into the national consciousness is to ask Americans stop buying grapes.
NORIEGA: At its height, 15 to 20 million Americans were participating in the great boycott. That is almost one out of every ten Americans.
CHAVEZ: We have I think a similar problem that the people in the civil rights movement had. It wasn't until they really went out and started organizing that the government came across with meaningful legislation.
PAWEL: The boycott ultimately forces California's most powerful industry to sign contracts with its poorest workers.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The revolution in California agriculture has moved far more rapidly than anyone expected. This much now is clear. California agriculture has been changed.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Will you join in the battle to build the great society, to give every citizen the full equality which god enjoins and the law requires?
CARTER: When Lyndon Johnson is pushing through the great society, he is riding the wave of the civil rights movement and the reform movement. But there are a lot of Americans who are not at all happy about this.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Johnson is a man whom I've known for a long time and I like him personally. But I've watched him change from a conservative democrat to an extreme liberal democrat.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Too often the '60s is simply seen from a liberal perspective. But the conservative movement had its fans.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I told my wife, I said honey, what do you think about my running for the presidency?
BARRY GOLDWATER JR. (R-CA), FORMER CONGRESSMAN: I would not say he was politically ambitious. What made my father run started several years before that. It really started with my father's book, "the conscience of a conservative" in 1960, which became kind of the bible of the conservative movement.
CARTER: Goldwater brought together a kind of muscular Americanism, anti-communism, and this growing political opposition to the expansion of the federal government.
GOLDWATER: At the time, the Republican party was dominated by the eastern liberal establishment. DOCTOR MARY BRENNAN, AUTHOR, TURNING RIGHT IN THE SIXTIES:
Conservatives saw the more moderate liberal part of the Republican party as not being real Republican because they're not getting rid of the problem with government, which was that it had gotten too big.
JOHN HEILEMANN, MANAGING EDITOR, BLOOMBERG POLITICS: At the time nobody thought of it as a movement, but it was a nascent thing, but it turned out to be a very powerful thing. And that was the beginning of what we now think of as the conservative movement.
CARTER: What conservatives lacked up until the 1960s was any substantial media outlet to spread their message. But during the 1960s, you begin to get the foundation for this.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Barry Goldwater, jet propelled philosopher of conservatism, he is the hottest thing on the circuit. He pours out conservative thought in books and articles.
RICK PERLSTEIN, AUTHOR, BEFORE THE STORM: Suddenly Goldwater was talked about as the Republican John F. Kennedy.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We have lost election after election the last several years because conservative Republicans get mad and stay home. Let's grow up, conservatives. Let's if we want to take this party back, and I think we can some day, let's get to work.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: And for the next four years, the conservatives went to work.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Little dust devils of non-Goldwater conservatism are swirling about this convention, but that's about all. The cyclone is definitely coming in from Arizona.
PERLSTEIN: In 1964, the liberals, moderates who were running the Republican party realized their party had been seized from underneath them.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: During this year, I have crisscrossed this nation, warning of the extremist trap, its danger to the party.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The governor is entitled to be heard for five minutes.
MARK KURLANSKY, HISTORIAN: All of these liberal Republicans who were considered the leading figures of the Republican party like George Romney and Nelson Rockefeller suddenly didn't have a role in the '64 election that nominated Goldwater.
RICHARD NIXON, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: He is the man who earned and proudly carries the title of Mr. Conservative and is now Mr. Republican, Barry Goldwater.
GOLDWATER: Rockefeller in his campaign was painting the conservatives as extremists. And then my father followed up with his famous words about it.
BARRY GOLDWATER SR., FORMER SENATOR: I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.
NAFTALI: Goldwater did not recognize that he was opening up a Pandora's box. By saying that extremism could be a good thing, he was basically opening the door to the Birchers and leftover Ku Klux Klan and the other groups that were beyond the pale.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Do you accept their support?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We don't want the backing of the Ku Klux Klan.
GOLDWATER: That's a different kind of extremist. And my father would have none of it.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: A thoughtful address by Ronald Reagan.
RONALD REAGAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Thank you. I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course.
CARTER: Ronald Reagan was an actor, but it was in 1964 that suddenly he explodes on to the national scene as a political figure because he gives the speech.
REAGAN: In this vote harvesting time they use terms like "the great society," or as we were told a few days ago by the president, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people. Barry Goldwater has faith that you and have I the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions.
GOLDWATER: The campaign was always run optimistically. And when Ronald Reagan hit it out of the ballpark with his speech, we just knew we were going to win.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: According to a CBS vote profile analysis, Lyndon Baines Johnson has been elected president of the United States. And the landslide has carried him in.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We're going to devote our days and the years ahead to strengthening the Republican party.
BRENNAN: After Goldwater loses, all it did was to make the conservatives more determined than ever. In addition, they found another star.
LEWIS SHOLLENBERGER, FIRING LINE MODERATOR: The first question is for you, senator Goldwater. It's been said that Ronald Reagan has assumed the mantle of leadership for the conservative movement. Would you comment, please? GOLDWATER SR.: I would say if he continues in his successful
political career, that I don't think that you could deny that he would be the leader. If Reagan is elected governor of California, this gets to be a new ball game.
CARTER: There is this growing social uneasiness about the kinds of changes that are taking place in America.
STEINHORN: Conservative leaders were able to capitalize on those resentments towards government and toward this new America.
BRENNAN: As you move through the '60s and even as Reagan wins election in '66 to become governor of California, the response on the part of conservatives is that what is more important is less anti- communism and more the social elements.
REAGAN: We who are Republicans have been handed a unique challenge ourselves and a responsibility to offer something that the people of this country are crying out for. They are crying out for leadership.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Saw him make a speech in 1964 for Goldwater. I said there is the man that should be running for president.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: He has the same type of feeling with the people that John Kennedy had, I think.
BRENNAN: Reagan did a very brief run for president in 1968, but it was too little too late.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Richard Nixon goes over the top with 287 electoral votes. And that seems to be the 1968 election.
BRENNAN: Conservatives won control of the Republican party in 1964, but they didn't figure out what to do with it for 15 years.
WALLACE: CBS reports the homosexuals. Lars Larson is the most despised minority group in the United States, but few homosexuals are willing to admit it publicly, the fear of being ostracized or losing a job. Even the fear of imprisonment forces most homosexuals to camouflage their identities. Do you remember how you felt when you first realized you were a homosexual?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Frightened. Terribly frightened.
BARNEY FRANK, FORMER MASSACHUSETTS CONGRESSMAN: Look, I was so scared that anybody would ever figure out I was gay that I was a deeply closeted and very repressed gay man.
HAYES: Tallahassee police department is using Florida state University students as informers against homosexuals. The students get $10 a head every time one is approached by a suspected sex offender.
CARTER: In the 1960s, there are a number of these kinds of committees that investigate gays. And even though it still is submerged, you begin to see the first issues about gay rights.
MUNCY: There were multiple organizations to try to counteract that repressive regime that gay men and lesbians were suffering under. They are the Mattachine society and the daughters of Belitis, which were part of the homophile movement.
HAL CALL, THE MATTACHINE SOCIETY: The law forbids certain type of private consenting sexual behavior among adults need to be changed.
FRANK: In the Mattachine society, this was a dilemma. How do you combine activism with anonymity. You can run a social movement from behind a closet door.
NAFTALI: Gays are limited in their ability to show affection, can't party the way the straights can. Their whole entire existence is stigmatized. One of the society's founders, a man named Frank Kameny. He is a worker in the U.S. map service and he was fired because he is gay. So he pickets the White House.
DEAN RUSK, SECRETARY OF STATE: I understand that we're being picketed by a group of homosexuals. The policy of the department is that we do not employee homosexuals knowingly. And that if we discover homosexuals in the department we discharge them.
FRANK KAMENY, MATTACHINE SOCIETY: Every American citizen has the right to be considered by his government on the basis of his own personal merit as an individual.
NAFTALI: Frank Kameny is a pioneer. He is standing there. He doesn't care what people think. He is saying I am just as normal as you are. It's a polite reform movement.
CHARLIE SOCARIDES, PSYCHIATRIST: Homosexuality is in fact a mental illness which has reached epidemiological proportions.
NAFTALI: The American psychiatric association deems homosexuality to be a mental disorder.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: This involves showing the gay man pictures of nude males and shocking him with a strong electric current over a short period of time. Hopefully, he will be unable to get sexually aroused.
NAFTALI: It's very hard to achieve civil rights for a group where the medical world is describing this group as mentally ill. So one of the goals of the gay rights movement was to eliminate that kind of thinking represents prejudice, it doesn't represent science.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The dilemma of the homosexual told by the medical profession he is sick, by the law that he is a criminal, shunned by employers, rejected by heterosexual society. At the center of his life, he remains an outsider. MARK HARRIS, AUTHOR, PICTURES AT A REVOLUTION: I think gay men got
sort of sick and tired of seeing the quote/unquote "revolution going on all around them while they were being vilified and kept completely to the margins." Something is always going to light the spark, and it was about to happen somewhere.
MUNCY: In June of 1969, the police staged a raid, just a routine raid on a gay bar, the stonewall inn in Greenwich village, New York. And unlike a routine raid, in this case, men fought back.
NAFTALI: Stonewall was a watershed moment in really the development of civil rights for the LGBT community. Within four years of stonewall, the American psychiatric association removes homosexuality from its list of mental disorders. In four years, this was a movement that could not be denied. With each decade, the glass ceiling gets chipped away at and ultimately one would hope broken.
HEILEMENN: So much of the '60s is now draped in nostalgia. But the things that were important and that were so controversial then, whether it was the movement for civil rights, the environmental movement, or the women's movement, much of that work became cornerstones for the world we currently live in.
STEINEM: I no longer accept society's judgment that my group is second class.
RICHARDS: Women began running for office, being able to open up their own businesses. You now have women doctors and scientists and astronauts, things that were unheard of.
SCHABECOFF: After the '60s, people began to take a more holistic view of the environment.
GOLDWATER: Everybody fundamentally believes that they've got a right to a healthy, safe environment.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We explored so many blind alleys in the 1960s that perhaps we've put ourselves on a platform from which we can more constructively attack the problems which we have now begun to identify. If that happens in the decades to come, I should not be surprised if historians didn't date its beginning in this troubled ten years we've just gone through.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: These are the kind of ways for Esther Peterson, assistant secretary of labor, highest ranking woman in the federal government.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Do you think that the American public is ready to accept a woman in the White House?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: I think -- I think that when the right woman comes along, the society will recognized. And I think it is completely possible that someday there can be a woman in the White House.