24, 2000 VOL. 155 NO. 16
Evacuation from the roof of the U.S. embassy in Saigon, April 29, 1975.
Ladders and Letters
the anniversary of Saigon's fall, a trove of documents sheds new light
on old traumas
By DOUGLAS BRINKLEY
The owner of a chain of supercenters in Michigan would hardly seem a match
for Henry Kissinger in a debate over the Vietnam War, but at the 1995
Gerald R. Ford Foundation board meeting, the former Secretary of State
indeed lost a heated argument on the subject to one Fred Meijer of Grand
Rapids. At issue was an 18-step metal ladder, utterly unremarkable except
that in April 1975 thousands of desperate South Vietnamese, fleeing capture
by the invading North Vietnamese for freedom in the U.S., had clambered
up its sturdy steps onto the roof of the U.S. embassy in Saigon and into
American helicopters perched there. To Meijer, the gray ladder was an
uplifting symbol of hope; to Kissinger, it was a grim reminder of the
U.S. failure in South Vietnam that had cost more than 58,000 American
It was Meijer's entrepreneurial son Hank who unwittingly sparked the contention
when he went to Ho Chi Minh City (formerly the South Vietnamese capital
of Saigon) in October 1994, in search of promising new business ventures
that might result from the Clinton Administration's impending normalization
of relations with Vietnam. While driving down Le Duan Boulevard one afternoon,
Hank Meijer asked his driver to stop at the former U.S. embassy, atop
which the tragic last moments of America's involvement in Vietnam had
been played out. Abandoned since and allowed to run down into a weed-choked
eyesore where only chickens wandered among the shards of broken glass,
the padlocked building was slated for the wrecking ball.
"Then I saw the ladder from the evacuation," Hank Meijer relates. "My
first thought was, That's an important piece of history; perhaps I can
pay somebody a few hundred bucks to weld it off with a blowtorch, then
crate it up and ship it back to Michigan for display at the Ford Museum."
He resisted, but when he returned to Grand Rapids and told his father
about the ladder, Fred Meijer was captivated, and determined to put those
"18 steps to freedom" on permanent display before the American people.
He figured his fellow board members at the Ford Foundation would agree--but
when he broached the idea of acquiring the ladder at the next meeting
he met with surprisingly harsh resistance from Kissinger. "It's just a
terrible idea," the nation's only celebrity diplomat kept repeating. "Why
would you want to remind visitors about this horrible chapter in American
ALSO IN TIME
Mouth of the People
Japan's Shintaro Ishihara triggers controversy once again, but hidden
within the furor is the reality that, for disillusioned citizens,
Tokyo's populist Governor has become an important symbol of change
"There's no need for an apology"
Power Politics: The
local pols begin to assert themselves
TAIWAN: War of Words
Beijing lashes out at the island's Vice President-elect for her outspoken
views on reunification
One System: China
tries to muzzle Hong Kong's press
VIETNAM: History Lesson
Twenty-five years after the end of the war, newly released documents
paint a fascinating picture of its last days
BIOLOGY: The Stud Within
American men (and not only men) eagerly await a new testosterone gel
that promises better sex and bigger muscles. But what does the notorious
hormone actually do?
CRICKET: Bad Form
A match-fixing scandal takes down South Africa's captain
TRAVEL WATCH: Ho Chi Minh City -- An Intriguing Mix of Past
startled, Meijer held his ground. "Henry, if we don't acquire the ladder,
it will end up in the bowels of the Smithsonian." To which, an annoyed
Kissinger shot back, "That's a good place for it."
edition's table of contents
Then the ex-President spoke up for his old friend Meijer, likening the
"freedom ladder" to the concrete slab from the Berlin Wall that adorns
the museum's entrance. "No one knows more than I how humiliating it was,"
Ford reminded his Secretary of State. "As you recall, I had to sit in
the Oval Office and watch our troops get kicked out of Vietnam. But it's
part of our history, and we can't forget it." The decision was made to
get the ladder. "To some, this staircase will always be seen as an emblem
of military defeat," Ford notes. "For me, however, it symbolizes man's
undying desire to be free."
For all the high-level brouhaha, the ladder pales in interest next to
other new additions from the Vietnam era to the Ford Library and Museum.
Last week more than 40,000 pages of newly declassified materials were
released to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the end of the war. Most
were National Security staff files, and many were written by Kissinger
and Brent Scowcroft, who would later become National Security Adviser.
Although only tangential to the Ford Administration, one of the provocative
documents--found in the files of Graham A. Martin, the last U.S. ambassador
to South Vietnam--is a startling 1964 letter from Martin's Johnson-era
predecessor, Henry Cabot Lodge, to Secretary of State Dean Rusk. Certain
to intrigue cold-war historians, the missive reads:
"This is for you, the President, [Secretary of Defense] Bob McNamara and
whoever else you think needs to know. It is definitely not a subject which
should get into the cable traffic ... General [Nguyen] Khanh told me on
May 25 that when [President Ngo Dinh] Diem was shot he had in his hand
a briefcase containing 1 million U.S. currency 'in the highest denominations.'
He said that General [Duong Van] Minh took possession of the briefcase
and has never yet surrendered it. He added that General Minh at the same
time had taken possession of 40 kilograms of gold bars ... I advised General
Khanh not to make this public lest it shake public confidence here in
all generals. He hopes that General Minh will make his exit quietly."
The letter may read cryptically today but one historic image will jog
the memory: the bodies of South Vietnamese President Diem and his brother
Ngo Dinh Nhu, chief of the secret police, splayed on the ground in pools
of blood in Saigon on Nov. 2, 1963. Until then, Diem's corrupt South Vietnamese
regime had been propped up by the U.S. as a bulwark against the communist
North. But Diem's "republic" had become an embarrassment to the Kennedy
Administration. American public opinion had turned against the regime
after Buddhist monks set themselves on fire to protest Diem's autocratic
ways. When a cabal of South Vietnamese military men indicated they were
about to stage a coup against Diem, Ambassador Lodge said the U.S. would
not stand in their way.
But were pecuniary incentives involved? There are numerous ways to analyze
this curious letter. It could be that General Khanh--Saigon's military
strongman--made up this story to lay the blame for the Diem coup on his
archrival, General Minh ("Big Minh" as he was popularly known). Another
possibility is that Diem had been paid off by the CIA, and was making
a getaway when he was apprehended and killed.
Ambassador Martin's Saigon embassy files, from 1970 to 1975, mostly backchanneling
missives to and from Kissinger, offer plenty to think about as well. The
most sensitive cables pertain to the diplomatic intrigue that resulted
in the Paris cease-fire agreement Kissinger and North Vietnamese negotiator
Le Duc Tho signed on Jan. 27, 1973. One folder, in fact, contains extensive
new documentation on the role French intermediary Jean Sainteny played
in keeping Kissinger and Le Duc Tho at the bargaining table.
But the drama in which the Ford ladder becomes a critical prop emerges
from documents on the last months of Saigon, as communist North Vietnam
began seizing provinces from the crumbling regime of Nguyen Van Thieu.
Late in March 1975, President Ford sent Army Chief of Staff General Frederick
C. Weyand to Saigon to assess the situation and bring back a full report
with recommendations. The most compelling product of the Weyand mission
comes from Kenneth M. Quinn, a National Security Council adviser on East
Asia who, on April 5, 1975, wrote Kissinger a private, top-secret, 10-page
memorandum so bleak it still stands as the grimmest and most accurate
assessment by the Ford Administration of America's final weeks in South
Vietnam. The South Vietnamese forces "may be totally defeated in as little
as three weeks," Quinn noted. "President Thieu is discredited and almost
completely ineffective. He can no longer provide the leadership necessary
to rally the country. The morale of the army and civilian population is
critically low and bordering on national despair. Fear of the communists
is widespread, and people from all walks of life are now searching for
a way to flee the country. Panic is seemingly just below the surface,
and an imminent attack on Saigon could lose it [for us]."
Just five days after the Quinn report, Ford went hat in hand before a
joint session of Congress to request $722 million in emergency military
aid plus $250 million for economic and humanitarian assistance for the
people of South Vietnam. "The options before us are few, and the time
is short," the President pleaded. "We cannot ... abandon our friends."
The Senate Armed Services Committee disagreed, and on April 17 rejected
the appeal, causing the genial Ford to pound his fist and exclaim, "Those
bastards." Meanwhile, Kissinger, in an April 24 State Department meeting,
was reduced to denouncing those "treacherous bastards in France" who seemed
hell-bent on celebrating America's misadventure in Southeast Asia. What
the Ford Library's new documents show, however, is that neither the President
nor Kissinger ever really thought Congress would appropriate more money;
the nearly billion-dollar request was largely a ruse to buy more time
to plan for the imminent evacuation of Saigon and to pin Congress with
the historical blame for losing Vietnam.
Another debate was shaping up behind closed doors. On the same day the
Senate committee rejected Ford's proposal, Kissinger cabled Ambassador
Martin. "We have just completed an interagency review of the State of
Play in South Vietnam. You should know that at the emergency White House
meeting today there was almost no support for the evacuation of Vietnamese
or for the use of American force to help protect any evacuation. The sentiment
of our military, DOD and CIA colleagues was to get out fast and now."
But the newly declassified record also shows that the Commander in Chief
insisted that the U.S. had a moral and humanitarian obligation to airlift
out as many South Vietnamese as possible and bring them to America. At
Ford's behest, Kissinger cabled Martin on April 24. "We are amazed at
the small number of Vietnamese being evacuated, considering the substantial
amount of aircraft available. I know you feel, as we do, a heavy moral
obligation to evacuate as many deserving Vietnamese as possible, and I
urge you to redouble your efforts in that regard. The President expects
these instructions to be carried out fully and within the time schedule
he has set out. For his part, he plans to call the NSC together this afternoon
to lay down the law."
The results make for some of the most compelling reading in the Ford Library:
more than 100 transcribed pages of authorized National Security Agency
intercepts of helicopter radio messages sent during the frantic evacuation
of the U.S. embassy in Saigon on April 29, 1975. Operation Frequent Wind,
as the rescue mission was dubbed, takes on a dramatic new immediacy in
the words of the pilots dodging mortar fire and gas bombs to save U.S.
embassy staff members before attempting to rescue any South Vietnamese.
"Reports are that there are 200 Americans left to evacuate," an intercept
reads. "Gunners Six to GSF Commander. Bring personnel up through the building.
Do not let them [the South Vietnamese] follow too closely. Use Mace if
necessary, but do not fire on them." Despite fire fights around the building,
Ambassador Martin, the other remaining Americans and the luckiest South
Vietnamese nationals climbed the ladder and made it out safely to the
"I still grieve over those we were unable to rescue," Ford reflected last
week from his library in Ann Arbor. "I still mourn for 2,500 American
soldiers who to this day remain unaccounted for. Yet along with the pain
there is pride. In the face of overwhelming pressure to shut our doors,
we were able to resettle a first wave of more than 130,000 Vietnamese
refugees. To have done anything less would in my opinion have only added
moral shame to military humiliation." Today almost a million people born
in Vietnam live in the U.S., making Vietnamese Americans the nation's
fifth-largest immigrant group. Odds are they could help other visitors
to the Ford Museum decide the debate over Fred and Hank Meijer's 18-step
Write to TIME at firstname.lastname@example.org
TIME Asia home
Scroll: More stories from TIME, Asiaweek and CNN