Taiwan Taipei is not amused

Viewpoint How Southeast Asia sees the visit

Dissidents Are the exiles out of touch?

Points of view The Presidents on the issues

Summit Accords Concrete results of Clinton's trip

Ups and Downs The U.S.-China relationship hasn't always been rosy

''AMERICA WANTS TO BUILD A NEW RELATIONSHIP WITH YOU. We want China to be successful, secure and open, working for a more peaceful and prosperous world." That was the message U.S. President Bill Clinton had for his audience at elite Peking University, whom he called "the next generation of China's leaders." A skeptical student asked him if darker motives lurked behind the facade of charm. Clinton, relishing the cut and thrust, replied: "My words mean exactly what they say. I want a partnership, I'm not hiding behind a smile."

Indeed, America's president went to China last week to build a "strategic partnership" between the world's most powerful country and its most important emerging nation. But in many respects, the key elements for a new relationship were already falling into place in the weeks before Clinton's nine-day tour through four mainland cities, starting with the ancient capital of Xian, and ending in Hong Kong.

On May 30, the American leader picked up the new Washington-Beijing "hot line" set up after the U.S. visit of Chinese President Jiang Zemin last October. India had conducted a series of underground nuclear-weapons tests, and Pakistan, a longstanding friend of China, was threatening to match its arch-rival. For about 40 minutes, Clinton and Jiang discussed ways to dissuade Islamabad from escalating the arms race in South Asia. Though their effort proved in vain, it precipitated the first direct call between the White House and Zhongnanhai.

Then on June 17, Washington reversed a hands-off policy by intervening directly in global financial markets in a successful attempt to shore up the sagging Japanese yen. The about-face is widely believed to have been forced by China, which was becoming increasingly frustrated by the Americans' inability to budge Japan on needed economic reforms. The Chinese push was accompanied by strong hints that Beijing might devalue its own currency unless the yen's slide were halted. Seldom before has any nominally communist country exercised such sway over international financial affairs.

Indeed, shortly before accompanying Clinton to China, U.S. Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin revealed that American and Chinese finance officials were consulting almost on a daily basis. Whether it is the economic crisis in East Asia, the nuclear rivalry in South Asia or tensions on the Korean peninsula, the Sino-American partnership is rapidly becoming a geopolitical reality. Says former U.S. assistant secretary of defense Charles Freeman: "There is a growing list of issues of concern to the United States that cannot be discussed without China's cooperation."

It is hard to believe that two years ago, the same official was on the receiving end of an implied Chinese threat to "nuke" Los Angeles if Washington were to intervene in the Taiwan Strait missile crisis. Lt.-Gen. Xiong Guangkai, deputy chief of staff of the People's Liberation Army, reportedly told Freeman in Beijing: "In the end, you care a lot more about Los Angeles than Taipei." Memories of that episode add a certain edge to the showpiece of last week's summit - an agreement by the U.S. and China not to target nuclear weapons at each other. In fact, the Clinton visit, the first by an American president since the traumatic Tiananmen crackdown of 1989, produced a win-win outcome. For all their differences, both sides seemed determined to build a closer, more mutually beneficial relationship for the next century.

Even so, a "strategic partnership" with China remains a tough sell in the U.S. That is true despite a concerted effort by American foreign-policy heavyweights - including Henry Kissinger and former presidents Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter and George Bush - to talk it up on the eve of Clinton's trip. Skepticism is specially strong in the U.S. Congress, many of whose members think of China less as a partner than a repressive, obnoxious force. Clinton's Democratic Party has been tarred by allegations that he may have jeopardized U.S. interests by accepting Chinese campaign contributions.

The opposition Republicans see in China an issue they can exploit to attack a president whose popularity seems impervious to criticism. Though Clinton found room for 1,200 people - and 900 tons of baggage - in his China entourage, only six were members of Congress. Evidently, he could not persuade even a single Republican representative to go with him. That may be a first among summit trips, on which U.S. presidents usually take care to demonstrate that their diplomacy has bipartisan support in the legislature.

Some Congressmen, complaining that Clinton's policy of "engaging" China had failed to show results, wanted him to cancel his trip. Other lawmakers, plus many opinion-shapers, had urged him not to be received officially at Tiananmen Square. To do so, they said, would sully the memory of those killed during the Tiananmen crackdown. But Clinton went along with Chinese wishes to review the honor guard at the square, intending to raise the June 4 issue and speak out on human rights in other forums.

The Chinese soon gave Clinton's critics more ammunition by revoking visas for three reporters from Radio Free Asia, a semi-official American station that Beijing considers a propaganda organ. The president countered by giving the trio an exclusive interview, though he did not insist they be allowed to accompany him to China. Temporary detentions of several dissidents at Clinton's first stop, Xian, brought a tart comment from National Security Adviser Sandy Berger: "People are not debris to be swept up for a visitor."

The president's first opportunity to shift the tone came on June 27, after his two-hour summit meeting with Jiang Zemin. The two leaders held a lively and seemingly unscripted press conference, which was broadcast live over national television in China. They traded comments about the Tiananmen affair (Clinton said the crackdown was wrong; Jiang insisted it was necessary for stability). They discussed the Asian financial crisis and human rights. They even touched on the sensitive subject of Tibet.

It was all very polite and for the most part pretty mild stuff. But American officials could hardly contain their excitement. "This has been quite an extraordinary day in the evolution of U.S.-China relations," said Berger. Clinton seemed pleased with his own performance: "I feel much better. I thought it was good." He and Jiang had met six times before, and seemed relaxed in each other's company. In closing their dialogue, Clinton said of the Dalai Lama that "if he had a conversation with President Jiang, I believe they would like each other very much." That elicited a hearty chuckle from Jiang, suggesting a certain personal rapport.

James Sasser, America's ambassador to China, reckoned that the uncensored telecast was seen by 600 million Chinese. That may be exaggerated, as the event had not been advertised. Still, the "debate" went on for 70 minutes, and people quickly spread the news by word of mouth, crowding around TV sets. Most Chinese who saw the program seemed to enjoy it, if only for its novelty value. "It gave me the feeling that our senior leaders are not avoiding the question of human rights," says Xue Mouhong, director of the International Affairs Institute at Beijing's Qinghua University. Zhang Hui, a store clerk in the capital, thought the press conference was "impressive," but felt Jiang tried to "show off" by using dashes of English. Another local resident said the encounter highlighted the differences between the two countries - and cultures.

Many Chinese heard about the Jiang-Clinton dialogue only after it was over. They had to make do with edited excerpts on the late-afternoon and evening television news programs. The newspaper coverage was far from fulsome. The People's Daily relegated the conference to a few brief sentences at the end of its round-up of the day's events. Its main focus: the official welcoming ceremony.

Clinton had several more opportunities to communicate with China's people. One came on June 28, Sunday, when he addressed a 2,000-strong Protestant congregation at the Chongwenmen Church. His remarks, which stressed the importance of individual freedoms, were not broadcast by Chinese media. The next day, Clinton made a speech at Peking University which was covered live. Some 400 students crammed into the auditorium to hear the president and ask questions. Many had outstanding academic records, or were Communist Party members. They were not deferential.

Tiananmen aside, Clinton was quizzed on everything from Taiwan to human rights in America. One student asked whether the U.S. had no problems with democracy and civil liberties. Clinton acknowledged that his country had a history of slavery and remained plagued by violent crime as well as racial and sexual discrimination. Other students questioned the Americans' real motives concerning Taiwan and their security treaty with Japan. Clinton said the pact did not target China.

Noting that Jiang Zemin had been heckled when he addressed a comparable audience at Harvard University last year, one questioner wondered how Clinton would feel if he received the same treatment in China. Clinton responded by saying he had been the butt of many protests in the U.S. Then he quoted an old American Revolutionary hero, Benjamin Franklin: "Our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults." The well-prepped president also sprinkled his talks with allusions to Chinese heroes from Deng Xiaoping to Hu Shi, an influential Peking University thinker in Republican times.

In Shanghai, Clinton was a guest on local radio's most popular call-in program, Citizen and Society, which has a regular audience of 10 million. Though his visit was not widely publicized, the president, a master of the medium, fielded questions for an hour. Callers seemed most interested in more personal topics, asking him how he kept fit (golf) and who he thought might win the World Cup (Brazil).

Later, Clinton took part in a roundtable discussion with a cross section of community leaders at Shanghai's new public library, said to be the world's largest. It was during this session that Clinton chose to spring a surprise on the contentious subject of Taiwan. Going further than any of his predecessors in backing Beijing's position on the island, he said that the U.S. would not support Taiwan independence, "two Chinas" or Taipei's membership in international bodies comprising sovereign nations. His statement jolted Taiwan.

In recent months, key members of America's foreign-policy establishment have been urging the administration to end its calculated ambiguity on the island. The U.S., they argue, should declare formally that it would not recognize a Taiwan declaration of independence, and would discourage other countries from doing so. The quid pro quo from China would be an open promise not to use force to regain the island. Clinton did not go quite that far, and China made no public concession - a fact that is likely to stir criticism from Taiwan's many friends in Congress.

The president's encounters provided the gloss to a trip that, despite its symbolic importance, produced relatively few concrete accords. The Americans had hoped for an unequivocal Chinese pledge to join the Missile Technology Control Regime, which governs international sales of offensive missiles. But they settled for a promise by Beijing to "actively consider" the prospect. Negotiators achieved their breakthrough on the de-targeting of nuclear weapons, despite the Americans' rejection of a Chinese demand that they join China in renouncing first use.

Neither side had real hopes for quick progress on China's bid for membership in the World Trade Organization. Indeed, the Americans treated all questions of trade and business deals gingerly. Clinton was anxious to put himself on the side of China's budding entrepreneurs and its economic reforms, but he declined to visit any Sino-American joint ventures in Beijing. It wasn't until the president had left for Shanghai that several big commercial deals were signed in the capital.

Business has been a tough subject for Clinton. His critics are clubbing him for putting money ahead of human rights. Moreover, allegations surfaced in May that the president had been overly generous in allowing sensitive satellite and missile technology to be exported to China as a favor to American companies using Chinese rockets to launch their satellites - firms that happened to be big contributors to the Democratic Party. Beijing, the critics charge, has used some of the technology to upgrade its missiles.

Soon enough, the dinner in the Great Hall of the People, the tour of the Forbidden City and the strolls along the Great Wall and among the terra-cotta warriors will become but pleasant vacation memories for the Clinton family. The president returns to the harsh political reality of dealing with a legislature in which no fewer than 10 committees are delving into various aspects of America's relationship with China. Some 75 bills, many calling for sanctions against Beijing, await action, including possible presidential vetoes.

On top of all that is the impending debate on Clinton's decision to renew China's most-favored-nation trading status. While passage remains likely, the ongoing controversies about China are bound to make it a highly contentious affair. Clinton may have been an able spokesman for American values among the Chinese during his trip. But to smooth the path for his vision of a true U.S.-Chinese partnership, he will need to overcome the doubters at home.

- With additional reporting by Sam Gilston/Washington

BILL CLINTON

TIANANMEN, 1989:

"I believe, and the American people believe, that the use of force and the tragic loss of life was wrong."

DISSIDENTS IN CHINA:

"Some people are incarcerated now for offenses no longer on the books in China, [which reflects] real progress in Chinese

practice. We should acknowledge that. But the question arises: Is there some way these people could be released?"

TIBET:

"I have spent time with the Dalai Lama. I believe him to be an honest man. And I believe if he had a conversation with President Jiang, they would like each other very much."

JIANG ZEMIN

TIANANMEN, 1989:

"Had the Chinese government not taken resolute measures, we could not have enjoyed the stability that we are enjoying today."

DISSIDENTS IN CHINA:

"In China's Constitution, it is clearly stipulated that Chinese citizens have the freedom of speech. But any activities that breach the law must be dealt with according to the law."

TIBET:

"As president of the People's Republic of China and as a member of the Communist Party, I myself am an atheist. But this will by no means affect my respect for religious freedom in Tibet."

AFTER A TWO-HOUR MEETING between presidents Bill Clinton and Jiang Zemin on June 27, China and the U.S. announced that they had reached agreement on some 47 items. Many of the accords were of a general nature. Key among them:

WEAPONS

The U.S. and China pledged not to target their strategic nuclear missiles at each other.

HUMAN RIGHTS

China will resume a dialogue on human rights suspended in 1994 after visiting American officials met with dissident Wei Jingsheng.

NON-PROLIFERATION

China agreed to strengthen controls on chemicals for weapons and to stop providing ballistic missile support to South Asia. It will also "actively consider" joining the international Missile Technology Control Regime and banning landmines.

ECONOMICS

The two nations promised to continue close consultations on the Asian financial crisis and to promote investment in China's oil and gas industry.

PEOPLE TO PEOPLE

Both sides agreed to implement numerous programs to exchange scholars, students and publications. U.S. Peace Corps activities will increase.

UP 1972 Richard Nixon opens a new chapter in the relationship by meeting Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in China.

UP 1979 Jimmy Carter breaks ties with Taipei and formally recognizes Beijing as the government of all China. Deng Xiaoping makes a triumphant tour of the U.S.

DOWN 1989 Suppression of student protest movement in Beijing severely sets back a budding relationship. The U.S.

imposes sanctions, some of which remain in force.

DOWN 1992 George Bush authorizes sales of 150 F16 fighters to Taiwan, which China considers a violation of an

earlier U.S. pledge to progressively reduce arms sales.

DOWN 1995 Under Congressional pressure, Bill Clinton grants Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui a visa. Lee's landmark American trip enrages Beijing.

DOWN 1996 As China fires dummy missiles off Taiwan, the U.S. sends aircraft carriers into nearby waters.

UP 1997 Jiang Zemin makes successful trip to the U.S., setting the stage for a return visit by Clinton.