Philly's Free-Speech Face-Off
By Lise Funderburg
July 17, 2000
Web posted at: 12:08 p.m. EDT (1608 GMT)
For Philadelphia, playing host to the Republican National
Convention is a high-stakes venture, and last week's videotaped
arrest of a suspected carjacker has intensified the national
spotlight on the City of Brotherly Love. No one wants to see a
repeat of the mass arrests, property destruction and wanton use
of tear gas that occurred during demonstrations against
Seattle's World Trade Organization meetings last year. Now
Philadelphia police will not only be under pressure to be firm
if street chaos erupts while the G.O.P. is in town but must also
be civil at the same time.
To help the police, local politicians passed a law targeting
masked demonstrators. But what they see as a step toward public
safety has been criticized as an attempt to put democracy up for
sale. The ordinance, which sets a fine of at least $75, allows
police to arrest mask wearers who evidence "the specific intent
to intimidate or threaten another person."
While no-mask laws exist in at least 18 states, most were
designed to deal with secret societies like the Ku Klux Klan,
whose intimidation factor was heightened by members' concealed
identities. Philadelphia's law, in language derived from
hate-crime legislation, signals a new target: political
activists, particularly self-described or suspected anarchists.
Ironically, the people protected by the first laws--religious,
racial, sexual and political minorities--are potentially the
focus of the second wave.
Among local activists, there's concern that the "known
troublemakers" and "infiltrators" that the law's sponsor,
Councilman Richard Mariano, hopes to guard against will be
confused with nonviolent street-theater performers and
demonstrators who have taken a cautionary lesson from the
Seattle and Washington protests. "Particularly in Seattle," says
a labor organizer who attended both, "just being out on the
street meant you were subject to chemical warfare."
Civil rights advocates argue that the law, aside from requiring
ESP to recognize "specific intent," quashes free speech and is a
thinly veiled crowd-control mechanism, and not necessarily one
that works. Seattle had passed an emergency two-day gas-mask ban
to little effect. Detroit passed one too, anticipating trouble
at a June meeting of the Organization of American States, but
the law was never used. "How in heaven's name can the average
officer know what the 'intent' of the masked individual is?"
asks Stefan Presser of Pennsylvania's A.C.L.U. "What the
officers are going to do is equate masked faces with permission
to remove these individuals from the streets."
Protesters fear that the ambiguously worded law is so likely to
be misunderstood that any attempt to enforce it will erupt in
violence. Perhaps this is why, even before last week's police
beating, Police Commissioner John Timoney decided that only he
and his two deputy commissioners will have the power to order
its use. Like beauty, intent is in the eye of the beholder. One
thing no one questions: Los Angeles, home to August's Democratic
Convention, will be watching.
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