It's all in the familyThe Kennedy family business is public life, but it's not just
politics anymoreby Richard Lacayo
July 26, 1999
Web posted at: 4:27 p.m. EDT (2027 GMT)
Joseph P. Kennedy, founder of the Kennedy clan, wanted badly for
his sons to conquer Washington. But he didn't much like the term
politics, a word that opened too easily onto whole vistas of
abandoned ideals and fishy dealings, something he was sensitive
about as a businessman accused of bootlegging and stock
manipulations. What Joe preferred was the more sanitary phrase
public service. All the same, Joe's main notion of public service
was the kind that gets you a seat in Congress and then a desk in
the Oval Office. So when it came to choosing their lifework,
Kennedy's sons had no options. Long before voters ever heard of
Jack, Bobby or Ted, their father aimed them at Washington. To be
the elect in the Kennedy family meant simply to be the elected.
After the smoke of the 1960s cleared, after Jack and Bobby were
buried and Ted drove his presidential prospects off the bridge at
Chappaquiddick, the rest of the nation looked reflexively to the
next generation of Kennedys to see which of them would end up on
campaign posters. A lot of them had the same Kennedy twinkle, the
same robust manner that had helped make their elders the stuff of
legend. Many had the family's customary moral earnestness and
alertness to any instance of social justice denied. But of 29
cousins, only four have so far gone on to elected office. Ted's
son Patrick is a Congressman from Rhode Island. Mark Shriver, the
son of Eunice Kennedy and Sargent Shriver, is a second-term
Maryland state legislator. Bobby's daughter Kathleen Kennedy
Townsend is that state's Lieutenant Governor. Her brother Joe II
was a six-term Congressman from J.F.K.'s old Boston district
before he retired from politics last year after a brief bid for
the Massachusetts governorship.
And it's probably not coincidental that those last two are Joseph
Kennedy's eldest grandchildren, the ones closest in time to his
message about the supreme importance of elected office. At the
age of 17, Joe II was already asking, "What other way is there
for someone like me to accomplish something of value?" It turns
out there were plenty of other ways. Among the Kennedy cousins,
public service is still a kind of genetic predisposition. But
most of them have done what J.F.K. Jr. did: served public
purposes through private means, by way of charitable foundations
or lives of activism pursued far from any campaign trail.
Ten years ago, when he was just 23, one of the Shriver cousins,
Anthony, started Best Buddies, a nonprofit program dedicated to
finding friendships and job opportunities for the mentally
disabled by hooking them up with student/mentors and potential
employers. Bobby's daughter Kerry Kennedy Cuomo founded the
R.F.K. Center for Human Rights, which promotes the work of rights
activists around the world by providing them with money and
networking opportunities. Her sister Rory, whose wedding the
Kennedy-Bessette plane was headed for when it went down, is a
documentary-film maker whose work on drug-addicted mothers and
hardscrabble farmers gives flesh and substance to those otherwise
threadbare words "the poor." Her film American Hollow, about a
struggling family in Kentucky, will be featured on HBO in
November. After the uproar surrounding his trial and acquittal on
rape charges eight years ago, William Kennedy Smith, the doctor
son of Jean Kennedy and Stephen Smith, started a foundation
called Physicians Against Land Mines, which aims to campaign
against them and assist their victims.
And John Jr. quietly boosted the career prospects of hundreds of
mental-health-care workers through an imaginative operation he
founded called Reaching Up, which helps them get training and
higher degrees. John was editor of George, of course, a magazine
dedicated to the proposition that politics these days is just one
more department of the all-encompassing glamour industry.
Regardless of whether that's much of a premise for a magazine
about public affairs, it at least has the virtue of understanding
that politics is not just a matter of who places where in the
Iowa caucuses. Recently Ted Kennedy had been encouraging John Jr.
to become head of the Institute of Politics at the John F.
Kennedy School of Government at Harvard, a body to which the
family is closely tied. John was interested, but largely because
he hoped to get the institute to broaden its definition of
politics to go beyond the business of campaigns and legislatures.
Maybe the model noncandidate Kennedy is R.F.K. Jr. As a teenager,
he became involved in drugs, a mistake that led to his 1983
arrest for heroin possession. Unlike his younger brother David,
who died of an overdose a year later, Robert found his way back
from that abyss. At 45, he is a highly effective environmental
lawyer and activist. His watchdog group, Riverkeeper, Inc., has
been suing polluters along bodies of water throughout the U.S.
The most spectacular legal campaign ended in a deal that allows
New York City to control development in the upstate watershed
that provides its drinking water. In return the city agreed to
pay the rural localities that sacrifice development rights around
streams and reservoirs.
The notion of a wider world and the responsibilities that come
with it was installed in the Kennedy psyche early on. Ted's kids
were encouraged to sit in when he held staff meetings at home. In
summer the cousins would gather for weeks at the Hyannis Port
compound, where each night they were expected to arrive at the
dinner table ready to discuss one current event. Campaign
experience came early too. From childhood, the cousins were
squirming onstage at rallies. Kathleen got on-the-job training in
Uncle Ted's 1980 presidential campaign. Joe II ran the Iowa
operation.
At the same time, it's not hard to see why the younger Kennedys
would have second thoughts about pursuing public office, and not
only because Jack and Bobby were assassinated. For one thing,
when Jack, Bobby and Ted were growing up in the 1930s and '40s,
the press wasn't watching their every move. But the Kennedy
cousins have suffered the attention of the media from the moment
they were old enough to cut a high school class or fail a bar
exam. It's enough to make any sane person wary of doing anything
that would bring the media further into one's life. Like run for
office. Last year, when Joe II retired from the House and from
politics altogether, he had just gone through two public
embarrassments. His ex-wife Sheila Rauch Kennedy had published a
book in which she claimed that he had improperly used his
influence with the Catholic Church to have their 12-year marriage
annulled. And his brother Michael, who was managing Joe's brief
campaign for Governor, was in the news for having carried on a
long affair with the family baby sitter that allegedly started
when she was 14. As the scandal was moving off the front pages,
Michael died in a freak ski accident.
There was also the problem that the Kennedys share with everyone
descended from a famous forebear--how to escape seeming a pale
version of the original, like Frank Sinatra Jr. Joe Kennedy, who
came to Congress worried that he could never match the luster of
his famous elders, once told friends, "Every time I speak, a lot
of people expect to hear President Kennedy's Inaugural Address."
Even Joe began his public-service career in the semiprivate
sector, though he did it as a kind of springboard to his
political career. Twenty years ago, he started Citizens Energy, a
nonprofit corporation that provides low-cost heating fuel to the
poor. When he was first elected to Congress in 1986, he
complained bitterly and in public about how much it frustrated
him to be a powerless freshman after running his socially
beneficial fuel operation. After leaving the House, he returned
to his job there, having absorbed the lesson that a well-run
nonprofit corporation--Citizens Energy is a
half-billion-dollar-a-year operation--can sometimes do as much
good as a government program, or even more.
He had also absorbed the lesson that it's possible to serve the
public and oneself at the same time. In TV spots last winter,
households interested in purchasing discount fuel from Citizens
Energy were asked to call a toll-free number that just happened
to be 877-JOE-4-OIL. Maybe he's not entirely out of politics.
But nobody ever said philanthropy has to be utterly free of
personal motives to be effective. Even the family's longtime
devotion to the mentally disabled has its first impulse in the
shadowed legacy of the Kennedy sister Rosemary, who has lived for
decades in a Catholic care facility in Wisconsin. Born mildly
retarded in 1918, she was made much more so after her father made
the questionable decision to subject her to a prefrontal
lobotomy. With that episode as a constant backdrop, even the
best-intentioned Kennedy efforts on behalf of the mentally
disabled will seem partly an attempt to reconcile with a past the
family cannot undo. But what may have started as something like a
penance long ago is now one of the family's most useful
devotions.
Nobody expects the Kennedy cousins to completely abandon the
family business of ordinary politics. Patrick, just 32, is well
positioned to move someday from the House to one of Rhode
Island's Senate seats. Kathleen's ambitions for higher office
are no secret. Joe II once reflected on what drove him and his
cousins into an outside world where they often got rough
handling and worse. "In this family, when you're called, you
go." A lot of the younger Kennedys have managed to go their own
way all the same.
--With reporting by Nadia Mustafa, Desa
Philadelphia and Flora Tartakovsky/New York
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Cover Date: August 1, 1999
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