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Could The Tobacco Deal All Go Up In Smoke?

By Charles Bierbauer/CNN

WASHINGTON (May 22) -- The Senate is going off to light its Memorial Day barbecues while it leaves its tobacco legislation smoldering. Could the fire go out while Congress is gone?

The $516 billion, 25-year-plan which won approval in the Senate Commerce Committee is on hold on the Senate floor. When the Senators return in 10 days it will either metamorphose into something broadly acceptable and probably less ambitious or fall victim to competing interests.

Those interests bear inspection. This is not a case of Republicans vs. Democrats. It is more a matter of whether a bipartisan middle ground will hold against conservatives who want to do less to tobacco companies and liberals who want to extract more from tobacco.

The Senate at times legislates by smoke and mirrors. But this does not mirror the usual smokescreen.

Thursday the extremes came together to defeat that part of the proposal which would have put an $8.5 billion a year cap on the tobacco companies' lawsuit liability. That limitation is not a bar to lawsuits. But it is seen as the necessary tradeoff to get tobacco to curtail its cigarette advertising aimed at teenagers. Absent a liability cap the tobacco companies are expected to refuse to sign away their First Amendment constitutional right of speech -- advertising, in this case.

Who pulled the cap off? Liberals who do not think tobacco deserves such protection. Conservatives who do not want the tobacco legislation in the first place.

"We obviously experienced a setback," said Senator John McCain, the Arizona Republican responsible for drafting the bill. "But this is not going to change the ultimate result."

Well, it might.

Congress could still proceed to significantly raise the price of cigarettes. That measure is considered essential to deter young Americans from beginning to smoke. The Senate confirmed its intention to highly tax tobacco when it rejected one proposal to add $1.50 a pack to the price of cigarettes and another to add nothing. A substantial majority voted to raise the price of a pack of cigarettes by 65 cents next year, with yearly increases until $1.10 is added by 2003.

But who'll pay it? Not the tobacco companies. They would just pass the cost through to consumers. After all, if price is supposed to be a deterrent, it's got to come out of the smokers' pockets.

That gives conservatives a surprisingly populist argument. Missouri conservative John Ashcroft sounds like Massachusetts liberal Ted Kennedy.

"This takes from families a very serious portion of the resources they use to take care of one another," Senator Ashcroft complained on the Senate floor.

The average pack-and-a-half a day smoker would pay $365 more in 1999 to cover the added tax and $602 more in 2003, according to the Tax Foundation, a non-partisan, though generally anti-tax research organization in Washington.

Since there are simply more smokers among low-income Americans than upper-income, one-third of the anticipated tobacco revenues will come from those earning less than $15,000. Two-thirds would come from those with incomes of $35,000 or less, according to the Tax Foundation.

"The cold reality is this is a massive regressive crushing tax on blue collar Americans," Texas' Republican Senator Phil Gramm complained.

Ashcroft, Gramm, and Oklahoma Republican Don Nickles are outspoken opponents of McCain's plan. Nickles is number two in the Republican leadership. Majority Leader Trent Lott is largely mute on the issue since his brother-in-law represented state attorneys general in negotiating last year's tentative agreement with the tobacco industry. That makes Nickles' voice louder in the debate.

To stiffen his argument against the McCain tobacco bill Nickles takes aim at two constituencies Republicans usually like to help--farmers and lawyers.

"We are going to make farmers millionaires," says Nickles, referring to proposals to come to the aid of effected tobacco farmers.

"We are going to leave a blank check in here for attorney fees," Nickles says of the potential billions lawyers could reap from a settlement bettering half a trillion dollars.

The tobacco bill is complicated legislation to start with. Its lines of support and opposition are complex, convoluted and even counterintuitive.

Four states -- Mississippi, Florida, Texas and Minnesota -- have individually reached their own multi-billion dollar settlements with the tobacco companies. Other states will pursue similar agreements. They should.

There was never any guarantee last year's tentative settlement would hold up, particularly since it could not be implemented without Congressional action. The Senate's effort may fall short of meeting the requirements of that settlement, most notably in the limited liability/limited advertising tradeoff.

Meanwhile, as the clock ticks toward the fall election season when nothing much gets done in Congress, the House waits and watches the Senate.

And even if Congress passes legislation extracting a huge cost from the tobacco companies and the tobacco consumers, a further debate and dispute looms as to how best to use those billions. If it all doesn't go up in smoke first.

If it does, liberals who really want to strap tobacco can blame themselves for falling in with conservatives. Conservatives who really see such a deal as unfair and unfounded can thank themselves for finding such willing accomplices.

In Other News

Friday, May 22, 1998

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Clinton Defends China Satellite Waiver
Pentagon Admits Release Of Private Tripp Info

Profile:
Bernard Schwartz Gave Heavily To Democrats
FEC Data: Schwartz's Recent Contributions


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