Battle Lines Forming in Senate Over Further NATO Expansion
Albright says proposed moratorium would be seen as a
vote of no
confidence in Eastern Europe
By Pat Towell, CQ Staff Writer
With Senate approval of NATO membership for Poland, Hungary and the
Czech Republic all but certain, opponents are now pressing for a limit on
further expansion of the alliance.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is slated March 3 to mark up a
resolution approving NATO membership for the three countries, thus clearing
the way for floor action on the measure as early as mid-March.
Technically, the resolution would express the Senate's consent to
ratification of an amendment -- or "protocol" -- to the 1949 North Atlantic
Treaty. Most critics of NATO expansion concede that Senate support for that
protocol (Treaty Doc 105-36) is considerably stronger than the two-thirds
majority that the Constitution requires for action on a treaty.
The critics of NATO expansion are a politically diverse lot, including
conservative isolationists, liberal anti-militarists and pillars of the
Cold War foreign policy establishment concerned that including former
Soviet satellites in NATO will exacerbate U.S.-Russian relations.
But debate on the issue has drawn scant public attention, and the
opponents have been swamped by the vigorous support afforded enlargement
not only by the Clinton administration, but by key Senate leaders,
including Majority Leader Trent Lott, R-Miss., Minority Leader Tom Daschle,
D-S.D., Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Jesse Helms, R-N.C., and
senior committee Democrat Joseph R. Biden Jr. of Delaware.
Some opponents are concentrating on trying to block additional
expansion, at least for a few years, by means of an amendment to the
resolution, technically called a "reservation" or "understanding." Virginia
Republican John W. Warner, for one, has announced that he will offer a
reservation intended to bar for three years invitation of any additional
countries to join NATO.
Would-Be Members
Two leading candidates for early
invitations are Romania and Slovenia, which some NATO members had backed
for inclusion along with the three current invitees. But nine other
countries also have applied for NATO membership, including Estonia, Latvia
and Lithuania.
The bids by those three, collectively referred to as the Baltic
republics, pose a particularly thorny set of problems. On one hand, all
three have made progress in establishing democratic political institutions
and free-market economies. On the other hand, all three would be militarily
difficult to defend because they are relatively small and adjacent to
Russian territory.
Moreover, the Soviet Union annexed all three countries in 1940. The
United States never acknowledged their incorporation into the Soviet state.
However, Moscow -- which appears unhappily reconciled to NATO membership
for Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic -- might oppose more vigorously
the addition to NATO of countries it once deemed part of the Soviet
state.
Although NATO has agreed to review in 1999 the possibility of inviting
additional countries to join, Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
assured Helms' committee Feb. 24 that no additional countries had been
promised a future invitation to join the alliance. But she also reiterated
the administration's adamant opposition to any legislation like
Warner's.
"A mandated pause [before any additional countries were invited to
join] would be heard from Tallinn [Estonia] in the north to Sofia
[Bulgaria] in the south as the sound of an open door slamming shut,"
Albright said. "It would be seen as a vote of no confidence in the
reform-minded governments from the Baltics to the Balkans."
Proponents of expansion contend that the prospect of NATO membership has
encouraged not only the three current invitees, but also countries that
hope to be invited in the future, to reform their political and economic
systems and resolve longstanding disputes with neighboring countries.
While reservations dealing with the timing of future invitations to
join the alliance will be controversial, the Senate resolution almost
certainly will include other reservations. One will insist that the U.S.
share of NATO costs not increase as a result of expansion. Another will
demand that Russia not gain any control over NATO decisions as the result
of the NATO-Russian consultation agreement reached last year.
The only statement of outright opposition to NATO expansion during the
Feb. 24 hearing came from Missouri Republican John Ashcroft, a prospective
candidate for the 2000 GOP presidential nomination.
Ashcroft contended that, by committing the United States to an enlarged
NATO with a broader mission than defending Europe, the Clinton
administration was indulging its penchant for subordinating U.S. national
interests to multinational institutions. The same basic argument was made
the week of Feb. 23 by Lott and some other Republicans against the
U.N.-brokered weapons inspection agreement with Iraq.
Albright denied that the administration had allowed international
organizations to override U.S. interests. "Clearly, there are times a
multilateral approach works," she said. "I don't think you would want us to
do everything by ourselves."
© 1998 Congressional Quarterly Inc. All rights reserved.
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