North Carolina News

Election Preview: Gantt's Challenge to Helms Lacks Spark of 1990 Race -- October 22, 1996
Veteran Campaigners Ousted By Primary Voters In North Carolina -- June 10, 1996
Tight Down The Stretch In N.C. Runoffs -- June 4, 1996
Gantt Glides To Easy Victory In Democratic Primary -- May 14, 1996
Urbanites And Blacks Key To Gantt's North Carolina Win -- May 9, 1996
Gantt in Gear for N.C. Senate Primary -- May 5, 1996
Bounced by Helms, Consultant Rebounds -- April 30, 1996

Election Preview: Gantt's Challenge to Helms Lacks Spark of 1990 Race

By Robert Marshall Wells
CQ Staff Writer

WILMINGTON, N.C. -- As Democratic Senate candidate Harvey B. Gantt stepped out of his campaign van on a recent swing through this southeastern North Carolina city, cheers went up among the crowd of about 200 supporters gathered to see him at a park on the shore of Cape Fear River.

"This campaign is about change," Gantt said to applauding voters. "You've got to believe you can bring about this change. We're going to beat Jesse Helms this year, and I'm not just saying that]"

At the conclusion of his remarks, Gantt waded into the crowd, shaking hands and greeting old friends who had come to the outdoor town meeting. Some of them would later that evening shell out $100 apiece for a Gantt fundraiser aboard a cruise ship.

In many ways, Gantt, 53, an African-American and a former mayor of Charlotte, is retracing the steps of his 1990 campaign to unseat conservative Republican Sen. Helms, an epic and racially charged contest that Gantt lost by 6 percentage points after weeks as the apparent front-runner.

With Helms seeking re-election to a fifth term this year, North Carolina Democrats turned to Gantt again for what was expected to be a titanic matchup that could potentially help determine the balance of power in the next Congress.

From their perspective, Republicans believe they must hold the seat if they are to strengthen their majority in the Senate next year. The GOP currently holds a 53-47 advantage over Democrats.

Meanwhile, Democrats perennially view Helms as vulnerable and know that a win here might enable them to regain control of the Senate, or at least maintain their current level of strength.

But despite the positive spin Democrats put on their effort to defeat Helms, several prominent North Carolina political experts say Gantt's campaign appears disorganized, lackluster and devoid of enthusiasm, characteristics that do not bode well for his chances.

"It was a crusade six years ago," said University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill communications Professor Chuck Stone, an expert on minority voting patterns. "It was a chance to make history. It would be a major upset now if Helms were to lose. There isn't the same sense of history."

Just as he did in 1990, Helms, 75, has made few public campaign appearances in the state. He has, however, lavished resources on an elaborate series of television ads depicting him as the quintessential Southern gentleman and senior statesman. More recently, Helms' ads have turned to painting Gantt as a liberal on such issues as same-sex marriages.

Gantt has countered with stinging ads of his own, which accuse Helms of being a career politician who is no longer representative of North Carolina.

In stark contrast to Helms, Gantt has aggressively campaigned for months, crisscrossing the state several times a week. In addition, Gantt has challenged Helms to debate. But Helms has refused to appear with Gantt in any setting, making it difficult for Gantt to gain any political traction.

Democrats charge that Helms, who has slowed considerably in recent years, is fearful that voters would become concerned about his age if he were to make frequent public appearances.

But while even ardent Helms supporters concede that he has slowed a step or two, they contend that a majority of North Carolinians are not particularly concerned.

"We don't care," said one prominent Republican Party official. "There's more concern among the press than there is among voters. If Sen. Helms had a stroke the day before the election, there's no way I could vote for Harvey Gantt, and a lot of people feel that way."

A Mason-Dixon poll conducted in mid-September showed Helms with a 10 percentage point lead over Gantt.

Helms has carefully kept his distance from the media and generally refuses to comment about the campaign. But in a brief interview at the Capitol on Oct. 3, Helms admitted that although he is apparently leading, he is taking nothing for granted.

"I used to say I'd never lost an election or won a poll," Helms said. "Now, I've won a poll and I'm scared to death."

Seeking New Voters

Citing an influx of nearly 700,000 new North Carolina residents since 1990, Gantt and his campaign advisers are confident that many of these new voters will reject Helms' brand of conservatism.

"On the whole, Helms is not culturally attuned to these people," said one of Gantt's top advisers. "The fact of the matter is Helms' base is going to meet their maker, and that's a problem for him."

But Dan Gurley, a spokesman for the North Carolina Republican Party in Raleigh, pointed out that many of the state's new residents are registering either as Republicans or unaffiliated voters, who tend to support GOP candidates.

North Carolina has become demonstrably more Republican, Gurley said, erasing big Democratic majorities in the state Legislature, where the GOP now controls one chamber. Republicans hold two-thirds of the state's seats in the U.S. House, reversing a Democratic domination that had lasted since Reconstruction.

Other North Carolina political experts such as Tim Mead, a political scientist at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte, contend that voters of all stripes are even less in tune with politics than usual because of the damage and destruction in many communities caused by Hurricane Fran in September.

"That's an unknown," Mead said. "It's hard to tell how they're going to break out."

Memories of '90

At this point in the 1990 campaign, Gantt appeared poised for victory. But Helms overcame Gantt's lead in part by airing a controversial TV ad that showed a pair of white male hands crumpling a rejection notice.

The ad suggested Gantt's support of affirmative action programs for minorities and women would result in white male North Carolinians losing their jobs.

Blindsided by the attack and running short of money, Gantt failed to respond forcefully, and Helms took just over half the vote.

Throughout this year's campaign, Gantt has frequently said he is older and wiser. And members of Gantt's staff say they are ready and waiting for any attacks Helms may have in store.

"We're fully prepared for it," said Gantt's campaign adviser. "We'll keep advancing our points. If we do that until Election Day, we'll beat him."

In an effort to appeal to moderates, independents and particularly white women, Gantt has made issues such as education, the environment and equal pay for equal work the centerpieces of his campaign.

Such tactics should help Gantt close the gap, said Stone. But in the end, Stone said, many whites will be unable to vote for Gantt, not just because of his ideology, but also because of his race.

"It's incredibly subliminal," Stone said, but "I do think that's a factor."

Veteran Campaigners Ousted By Primary Voters In North Carolina

By Robert Marshall Wells
CQ Staff Writer

Two North Carolina Republicans who almost joined the Class of 1994 in the Hous e have been denied a chance at the Class of 1996, as voters in the GOP runoff Jun e 4 showed a preference for new faces.

In the south-central 8th District, Republican Curtis Blackwood scored a stunni ng upset by soundly defeating 1994 GOP nominee Sherrill L. Morgan in the runoff.< /p>

Blackwood ran up nearly 64 percent of the vote. Morgan received fewer than 2,0 00 votes in the runoff, a remarkably low number considering that the widely known car dealer's self-financed TV ads in 1994 brought him within 4 percentage points of putting Democratic Rep. W. G. "Bill" Hefner into retirement.

Blackwood, a rental property owner and operator from Matthews, ran a low-cost and low-profile campaign in which he walked across the district meeting voters an d attending local community events. His convincing win left some state GOP offici als shaking their heads.

In November, Blackwood will be the latest Republican champion to joust with 11 -term incumbent Democrat Hefner. A dogged survivor in good years and bad, Hefner has not had a 60 percent re-election victory since 1976.

Caster Vs. McIntyre

In the neighboring southeastern 7th District, businessman and New Hanover Coun ty (Wilmington) Commissioner Bill Caster surprised three-time nominee Robert C. A nderson in the runoff and will have the GOP line this fall for the seat of retiri ng 12-term Democratic Rep. Charlie Rose.

Anderson's best showing in three tries came in 1994, when he came within 4 per centage points of ousting Rose.

Anderson, a retired Army officer, had come as close as Morgan to grabbing the brass ring in 1994. After the votes were counted, he asked the state board of ele ctions to delay certifying Rose's narrow victory because of alleged campaign irre gularities.

Anderson charged that some votes had been fraudulently cast and that some elec tion officials in the district had intimidated voters at polling places. The pane l conducted an investigation and decided that, while some irregularities occurred , the evidence was not sufficient to invalidate the election.

Caster, the owner of a Wilmington sporting goods store, ran an aggressive camp aign to overcome Anderson's name recognition. But in the end he may have won by t urning out more voters in a runoff that attracted fewer than 10,000 participants.

Some observers said Anderson's three previous tries had created doubts about h is electabiity. And he failed to pick up the endorsement of either of the other t wo Republican contenders from the May 7 primary, both of whom live in Anderson's hometown of Fayetteville.

Caster's opponent in November will be Democrat Mike McIntyre, a lawyer from th e small town of Lumberton, who won in something of an upset of his own over Rose Marie Lowry-Townsend, an American Indian and a teachers' union president from Pem broke.

Lowry-Townsend had finished first in the regular primary May 7. But McIntyre, who comes from a prominent family with a long history in the state's Democratic P arty, was able to woo the backing of several leaders in the district's black comm unity, whose support was enough to tip the scales the other way. He won with 52 p ercent.

Tight Down The Stretch In N.C. Runoffs

By Robert Marshall Wells
CQ Staff Writer

June 4, 1996

North Carolina's primary runoff is Tuesday and both nominations in the open 7th District appear to still be up for grabs. The district, being vacated by 12-term Democratic Rep. Charlie Rose, could be a key battleground in the partisan fight for control of the House.

The Democrats face a choice between educator Rose-Marie Lowry Townsend and lawyer Mike McIntyre; party officials say they are in a virtual dead heat.

Townsend, an American Indian who is president of the North Carolina Association of Educators, finished first in the May 7 primary with 31 percent of the vote. McIntyre, from a family with a long history in state politics, was second with 23 percent. The runoff's outcome was thrown into doubt when several prominent black ministers shifted their support from Townsend to McIntyre, a move that had much more to do with local political alliances than issues.

For the Republicans, businessman Bill Caster and three-time GOP nominee Robert C. Anderson also appear headed for a photo finish. Caster, who is also a New Hanover County (Wilmington) commissioner, received 32 percent in the primary. Anderson, a retired Army officer, took 37 percent.

Although Anderson has wide name recognition from his previous attempts to unseat Rose, his losses could be a problem for him in the runoff. He "may be battling a perception that he can't win," said one GOP official.

Gantt Glides To Easy Victory In Democratic Primary

Minority, urban vote ensures rematch with Helms, who may have new message this time around

By Robert Marshall Wells
CQ Staff Writer

May 14, 1996

Democratic Senate candidate Harvey Gantt cruised to a surprisingly easy victory over physician and retired businessman Charlie Sanders in North Carolina's Senate primary May 7, generating support from the African-American community and performing exceptionally well in the state's highly populated areas.

Gantt's victory ensured a fall rematch with four-term Republican Sen. Jesse Helms, who defeated Gantt by 6 percentage points in a bitter and racially tinged campaign in 1990.

In the primary, Gantt, 53, an architect and former mayor of Charlotte, received 53 percent of the vote to Sanders' 42 percent. Unemployed salesman Ralph M. McKinney Jr. finished with 6 percent.

"I think the underground railroad was working in a lot of places" to turn out the vote for Gantt, said Sherri P. White, political director of the state Democratic Party."It was a very decisive win, and I don't think anyone can say he was not supported by the black community."

In the Republican gubernatorial primary, state Rep. Robin Hayes, an heir to the Cannon textile fortune and a favorite of religious conservatives, upset former Charlotte Mayor Richard Vinroot. Hayes will face four-term Democratic Gov. James B. Hunt Jr.

Democrats and Republicans also chose nominees for the House and other statewi de positions.

In the eastern 3rd District, where three Democrats competed for the right to take on freshman Republican Walter B. Jones Jr., unofficial returns showed small businessman George Parrott on top with 42 percent of the vote. (Jones' father represented a neighboring North Carolina district as a Democrat from 1966 until his death in 1992.)

Parrott, who served six years as a special assistant in the North Carolina secretary of State's office, was a friend of Jones' at one time and supported the incumbent's campaign two years ago.

But disagreements between the two prompted Parrott to run against Jones, who unseated incumbent Democrat H. Martin Lancaster with a modest 53 percent of the vote in 1994.

In the southeastern 7th District, seven Democrats and four Republicans entered the race to succeed retiring Democrat Charlie Rose. Returns indicated that Democrats Rose Marie Lowry-Townsend and Mike McIntyre will meet in a runoff June 4.

Lowry-Townsend, a teacher and native American, won 31 percent to 23 percent for McIntyre, a lawyer. A minimum of 40 percent is required to avoid a runoff.

On the Republican side, three-time nominee Robert C. Anderson attracted 37 percent, while small businessman and New Hanover city councilman Bill A. Caster won 32 percent. A runoff election is likely.

In the south-central 8th District, Republicans have taken aim again at Democr at W. G."Bill" Hefner, and here, as well, a runoff appears likely between two GOP candidates. Sherrill L. Morgan, an auto dealer who held Hefner to 52 percent in 1994, won 35 percent in the four-way primary. Morgan's runoff rival is likely to be former teacher Curtis Blackwood, who got 29 percent.

In the west-central 9th District, Charlotte lawyer Mike Daisley won a three-way Democratic primary with 49 percent. He will take on popular freshman Republican Rep. Sue Myrick.

Democrats in the western 11th District selected farmer and political newcomer James Mark Ferguson to run against three-term Republican Rep. Charles H. Taylor, who received 60 percent of the vote in 1994.

Gantt Beats Expectations

Independent polling before the primary indicated the race might be too close to call, at least partly because of speculation among some Democrats that Gantt's campaign had not generated the excitement of his previous effort.

Some prominent black Democrats in the state also had said Gantt had not done enough to shore up support from the African-American community, which accounts for about 18 percent of the state's registered voters.

But after Gantt's primary win, state Democratic Party officials said his strong support in North Carolina's cities and relatively high voter turnout in the black community were keys to his victory.

Gantt carried his southwestern home county of Mecklenburg (Charlotte) by a 3-1 ratio. In addition, he swept the populous northern counties of Durham (Durham) and Wake (Raleigh), the home of the job-rich Research Triangle area.

By contrast, Sanders, 64, had tried to portray himself as more electable beca use he had less"political baggage" than Gantt. Sanders, who is white, stressed his background as a medical school instructor, physician and businessman. But his strength was in the more sparsely populated counties in the mountains and foothills of western North Carolina.

After a sometimes bruising primary that threatened to divide North Carolina Democrats largely along racial lines, Gantt and Sanders attempted to present a unified front after the election by training their criticism on Helms.

"This is a time that we must come together to work and retire Jesse Helms in November," Sanders said in a May 7 concession speech in Raleigh.

Gantt and Sanders made a joint appearance in Raleigh on May 8 and pledged to work together to unseat Helms. But the outward display of unity belied the role that race had played in the primary campaign.

Gantt, for example, had frequently charged his primary opponent with injecting race into the campaign through suggestions that Sanders was"the only Democrat who can beat Jesse Helms."

Gantt said such assertions implied that Sanders would have a better chance si mply because he was white. Sanders consistently avoided the subject of race. He f requently said his background in areas outside politics was what set him apart fr om Gantt.

If the 1990 Senate campaign serves as an example, however, Helms will not shrink from introducing race in the general-election campaign.

Race at Issue

Many Democrats still point to a widely criticized Helms television ad from the 1990 campaign which suggested that white people could be subjected to reverse discrimination if Gantt were to win. In the ad, a white applicant is denied a job for which he is "best qualified," because of "a racial quota." Gantt has supported affirmative action for minorities and women.

Helms returned to the issue this spring. Although he faced no primary opposition, he briefly aired a television commercial charging that Sanders and Gantt both favored racial preferences in hiring. The ad also said the candidates opposed voluntary prayer in the public schools and supported the extension of health insurance coverage to homosexual partners.

After less than a week, however, Helms abruptly pulled the ads and fired his media consultants, National Media Inc. of Alexandria, Va.

Changing Approaches?

Helms' recent actions have prompted some to speculate that he might run a less controversial campaign against Gantt this time around. Dan Gurley, a spokesman for the North Carolina Republican Party, said Helms could take advantage of his position as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee this year.

"I think you may see a little bit different approach (that) would show him in more of a statesman and leadership role that was not possible in 1990," Gurley said.

But many Democrats predict that Helms will never change his tactics, and some also quietly suggest that Gantt's inability to respond effectively to such attacks in 1990 will hobble him again this year.

For his part, Gantt predicts he will be a different candidate this time.

"I'm six years older, I'm six years wiser, I'm six years grayer," Gantt said, "and I'm also six years tougher."

Urbanites And Blacks Key To Gantt's North Carolina Win

By Robert Marshall Wells
CQ Staff Writer

May 9, 1996

Former Charlotte Mayor Harvey Gantt won the Democratic Senate nomination -- and earned a rematch of his 1990 contest against Republican Sen. Jesse Helms -- by winning big in North Carolina's big cities.

After a tough campaign, Gantt won Tuesday's primary with surprising ease, defeating his main rival -- businessman Charlie Sanders -- by 53 percent to 41 percent.

Unofficial returns show that Gantt carried his home county of Mecklenberg (Charlotte) by a 3 to 1 ratio. Gantt also carried populous Durham and Wake (Raleigh) counties in the Research Triangle area.

Polling before the primary projected the contest between Gantt, who is black, and Sanders, who is white, as too close to call. But state Democratic Party officials said Wednesday that Gantt's strong urban support, combined with a relatively high turnout in the black community, were keys to his victory.

"The underground railroad was working in a lot of places" to turn out Gantt's vote, said an insider. "I don't think anyone can say he was not supported by the black community."

Gantt in Gear for N.C. Senate Primary

By Robert Marshall Wells, CQ Staff Writer

May 5, 1996

There is less than a week to go before Tuesday's Democratic primary in North Carolina, and former Charlotte Mayor Harvey Gantt has embarked on a week-long" 50-city caravan tour" of the state that is aimed at re-energizing voters who supported his losing 1990 effort against Republican Sen. Jesse Helms.

Gantt's campaign says its polling shows a close primary contest between Gant t and Charlie Sanders, a physician and businessman. Gantt accuses Sanders of bein g a sometime Democrat who first registered with the party in 1992 and has contrib uted to Republican campaigns in the past. "Our main argument about Charlie is he really is a fraud," Gantt ca mpaign spokeswoman Lisa Mortman said. Gantt, who is African-American, rates a sli ght edge in the primary based on his high name recognition. Sanders, who is white , has tried to steer clear of the race issue. Observers say Sanders has quickly e stablished himself as a credible candidate through ubiquitous television advertis ing that has presented him as an accomplished businessman, doctor and educator.

Bounced by Helms, Consultant Rebounds

By Robert Marshall Wells, CQ Staff Writer

Apr. 30, 1996

North Carolina Republican Leroy Pittman, one of four GOP House candidates competing in the state's 8th District, took to the television airwaves last week to boost his name recognition heading into the May 7 primary.

Pittman, a businessman and county commissioner in south-central Union County, is hoping for a shot at 11-term Democratic Rep. W.G. "Bill" Hefner this fall.

But Pittman must first fend off his leading competitor, well-known car dealer Sherrill Morgan, the 1994 Republican nominee, who held Hefner to 52 percent last time out.

Pittman's campaign is giving National Media Inc. a continuing role in Tarheel State politics. The Alexandria, Va.-based consultancy, headed by Alex Castellanos, was abruptly fired by North Carolina Republican Sen. Jesse Helms earlier this month after a relationship of many years.

No explanation for the ouster was offered, but the firm was jettisoned just after the running of a Helms ad that was unusually hard-hitting for primary season, labeling both contenders in the Democratic Senate primary as extreme, gay-rights-supporting liberals.

The Pittman ad was tame by comparison. It offered viewers a brief background of the candidate, highlighting his intentions to pursue a balanced federal budget and strengthen families.