Skip to main content

How MLK ad helped define America's press freedoms

By Nicolaus Mills
updated 9:47 AM EST, Mon January 20, 2014
American civil rights leader the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. is best known for his role in the African-American civil rights movement and nonviolent protests. His life's work has been honored with a national holiday, schools and public buildings named after him, as well as a memorial on Independence Mall in Washington. Take a look back at the civil rights leader's defining years. American civil rights leader the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. is best known for his role in the African-American civil rights movement and nonviolent protests. His life's work has been honored with a national holiday, schools and public buildings named after him, as well as a memorial on Independence Mall in Washington. Take a look back at the civil rights leader's defining years.
HIDE CAPTION
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
The legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.
<<
<
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
>
>>
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
  • Nicolaus Mills: Landmark New York Times v. Sullivan case rooted in civil rights movement
  • He says Supreme Court's decision upholding press freedom echoes for cases today
  • He says challenge was over an ad in raising money for defense of MLK in the South
  • Mills: Ad had errors; court held public officials couldn't collect damages if there was no malice

Editor's note: Nicolaus Mills is professor of American studies at Sarah Lawrence College and author of "Winning the Peace: The Marshall Plan and America's Coming of Age as a Superpower."

(CNN) -- Fifty years ago this month, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral argument in a libel case, New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, that at the time few thought would go on to achieve landmark status. The Sullivan case, despite its roots in the early civil rights movement and the career of Martin Luther King Jr., is still little-known outside legal and media circles. But as it marks its 50th anniversary, Sullivan deserves to be revisited.

No contemporary Supreme Court case has done more to define modern freedom of the press.

These days, as the ongoing case of James Risen of The New York Times shows, reporters do have to worry that if they go too far in revealing embarrassing government secrets, they might find the government taking them to court to force them to reveal confidential sources. That is what has happened to Risen as a result of his investigation of a classified CIA program.

Nicolaus Mills
Nicolaus Mills

What reporters don't have worry about, though, as they once did, is government officials charging them with libel as a way of silencing their criticism.

Whether they acknowledge it or not, investigative reporters over the past half century -- from Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein in "All the President's Men" to Seymour Hersh in "Chain of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib" -- are indebted to the Supreme Court's Sullivan ruling for the freedom they have had to challenge the government's version of events.

Sullivan had its origins in a fundraising ad, "Heed Their Rising Voices," that the Committee to Defend Martin Luther King and the Struggle for Freedom in the South placed in The New York Times on March 29, 1960.

Opinion: For women, equal pay and economic justice are civil rights issues

The committee -- which included A. Philip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and entertainers such as Harry Belafonte, Sidney Poitier and Nat King Cole -- had been set up to raise money for King, whom an Alabama grand jury had charged with tax evasion.

"Heed Their Rising Voices" did not criticize any Southerner by name, but it did speak of attacks on the civil rights movement by "Southern violators of the Constitution." The ad became vulnerable to a libel suit because on a series of very specific points, it contained factual errors.

The ad said that King had been arrested by Alabama authorities seven times when he had been arrested only four times. The ad said that black students were expelled from Alabama State College for a racial protest they held on the State Capitol steps, where they sang "My Country, 'Tis of Thee." In fact, the students sang the national anthem on the State Capitol steps, and they were expelled by the State Board of Education for demanding service at a segregated lunch counter in the Montgomery County Court House.

The misstatements of fact were all comparatively minor, but they made the Times vulnerable to legal action by Southern officials, who resented the prestigious paper for publishing "Heed Their Rising Voices." Under Alabama law, a resident could sue for libel when untruths that he believed defamatory were said about him. On April 19, L. B. Sullivan, a Montgomery city commissioner whose particular duties included supervising the city's police department, filed such a suit.

Sullivan declared that misstatements about the police in Montgomery libeled him, even though they did not name him personally. He asked for damages of $500,000. Soon after Sullivan filed his suit, Alabama Gov. John Patterson filed a $500,000 suit of his own, also claiming libel. Before long, the Times was facing $3 million in suits, a considerable sum in the 1960s.

The implications of the suits were especially serious at a time when the civil rights movement was in its early stages. If liberal, Northern papers could be silenced in their criticism of the South as a result of libel suits, the civil rights movement faced tough going. When on April 12 and 13, Harrison Salisbury wrote Times stories critical of Birmingham, Alabama, his reports brought with it a new set of libel suits.

March on Washington remembered
MLK III discusses dad, Mandela's legacy

In Alabama, which ever since Brown v. Board of Education had been doing its best to resist the desegregation of its schools, Sullivan's case was quickly decided.

An all-white jury, acting on instructions from a judge who told the jurors that a statement was libelous unless a defendant could prove it was true in all respects, took just two hours and 20 minutes to award Sullivan the $500,000 for which he asked.

The libel award was the largest in Alabama history, and on August 30, 1962, the Alabama Supreme Court unanimously upheld the lower's court's judgment against the Times.

The Alabama Supreme Court's ruling was in keeping with tradition. U.S. law had long held that libel, as did pornography, did not qualify for First Amendment protection. If the Times were to win its appeal, the Supreme Court would have to establish a new libel precedent.

For a Supreme Court that 10 years earlier in Brown v. Board of Education had ruled that "separate but equal" had no place in America's public schools, overturning precedent was not out of the question, however.

Earl Warren was still chief justice. And after Arthur Goldberg, John Kennedy's former secretary of labor, replaced Felix Frankfurter, a Franklin Roosevelt appointee, the Warren Court of 1964 was, if anything, more liberal than the Warren Court of 1954.

Opinion: On MLK day, helping the unemployed is a moral issue

Warren assigned writing the opinion of the court in the Sullivan case to Justice William Brennan, like himself an Dwight Eisenhower appointee. By March 9, when the court announced its ruling, the justices were unanimous in their decision to reverse the Alabama State Supreme Court ruling.

As soon as Brennan began reading from his opinion, it was clear that the Supreme Court had taken a fresh look at libel law.

"We are required in this case to determine for the first time the extent to which the constitutional protections of free speech and press limit a state's power to award damages in a libel action brought by a public official against critics of his official conduct," Brennan observed in his very first sentence.

These were words that Sullivan and the South did not want to hear, and as Brennan continued reading from his opinion, it became clear that he and the Supreme Court were distinguishing between a libel action brought by a private person and a libel action brought by a government official. To guarantee the First Amendment's effectiveness, a government official was not protected by the law in the same way that a private person was, Brennan declared.

For Brennan, the historic basis for such a distinction went back to the notorious Sedition Act of 1798, which during the Federalist administration of John Adams made it a crime to utter or publish "false, scandalous and malicious" attacks against the government.

Fines levied in Sedition Act prosecutions were later repaid by Congress on the grounds that the act was unconstitutional because of its violation of the First Amendment, and President Thomas Jefferson pardoned all who had been convicted and sentenced under the Sedition Act.

The precedents contained in the repudiation of the Sedition Act applied to the present, Brennan insisted. For the First Amendment to remain meaningful, the only way a public official could be allowed to recover damages for a defamatory falsehood against him was if he could prove the falsehood was made with " 'actual malice' -- that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not."

Requiring a government critic to guarantee the truth of all his factual assertions on pain of a libel judgment risked imposing, as Brennan noted, "self-censorship."

The result was a legal threshold that made it very difficult to charge the critic of a government official with libel. In a front page story, Times Supreme Court reporter Anthony Lewis, who would later write the definitive book on the Sullivan case, pointed out the Supreme Court had established a new "constitutional landmark for freedom of the press and speech."

"The case could have an immediate impact on press coverage of race relations in the South," Lewis went on to say. He was right.

What he could not foresee was how in subsequent decades Sullivan would also lessen the threats writers faced when they investigated the Watergate scandal, reports by America's Vietnam commanders of the number of enemy killed and the claims of the George W. Bush administration that Saddam Hussein's Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction.

Follow us on Twitter @CNNOpinion.

Join us on Facebook.com/CNNOpinion.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Nicolaus Mills.

ADVERTISEMENT
Part of complete coverage on
updated 8:27 PM EST, Fri December 26, 2014
The ability to manipulate media and technology has increasingly become a critical strategic resource, says Jeff Yang.
updated 11:17 AM EST, Fri December 26, 2014
Today's politicians should follow Ronald Reagan's advice and invest in science, research and development, Fareed Zakaria says.
updated 8:19 AM EST, Fri December 26, 2014
Artificial intelligence does not need to be malevolent to be catastrophically dangerous to humanity, writes Greg Scoblete.
updated 10:05 AM EST, Fri December 26, 2014
Historian Douglas Brinkley says a showing of Sony's film in Austin helped keep the city weird -- and spotlighted the heroes who stood up for free expression
updated 8:03 AM EST, Fri December 26, 2014
Tanya Odom that by calling only on women at his press conference, the President made clear why women and people of color should be more visible in boardrooms and conferences
updated 6:27 PM EST, Sat December 27, 2014
When oil spills happen, researchers are faced with the difficult choice of whether to use chemical dispersants, authors say
updated 1:33 AM EST, Thu December 25, 2014
Danny Cevallos says the legislature didn't have to get involved in regulating how people greet each other
updated 6:12 PM EST, Tue December 23, 2014
Marc Harrold suggests a way to move forward after the deaths of NYPD officers Wenjian Liu and Rafael Ramos.
updated 8:36 AM EST, Wed December 24, 2014
Simon Moya-Smith says Mah-hi-vist Goodblanket, who was killed by law enforcement officers, deserves justice.
updated 2:14 PM EST, Wed December 24, 2014
Val Lauder says that for 1,700 years, people have been debating when, and how, to celebrate Christmas
updated 3:27 PM EST, Tue December 23, 2014
Raphael Sperry says architects should change their ethics code to ban involvement in designing torture chambers
updated 10:35 PM EST, Tue December 23, 2014
Paul Callan says Sony is right to call for blocking the tweeting of private emails stolen by hackers
updated 7:57 AM EST, Tue December 23, 2014
As Christmas arrives, eyes turn naturally toward Bethlehem. But have we got our history of Christmas right? Jay Parini explores.
updated 11:29 PM EST, Mon December 22, 2014
The late Joe Cocker somehow found himself among the rock 'n' roll aristocracy who showed up in Woodstock to help administer a collective blessing upon a generation.
updated 4:15 PM EST, Tue December 23, 2014
History may not judge Obama kindly on Syria or even Iraq. But for a lame duck president, he seems to have quacking left to do, says Aaron Miller.
updated 1:11 PM EST, Tue December 23, 2014
Terrorism and WMD -- it's easy to understand why these consistently make the headlines. But small arms can be devastating too, says Rachel Stohl.
updated 1:08 PM EST, Mon December 22, 2014
Ever since "Bridge-gate" threatened to derail Chris Christie's chances for 2016, Jeb Bush has been hinting he might run. Julian Zelizer looks at why he could win.
updated 1:53 PM EST, Sat December 20, 2014
New York's decision to ban hydraulic fracturing was more about politics than good environmental policy, argues Jeremy Carl.
updated 3:19 PM EST, Sat December 20, 2014
On perhaps this year's most compelling drama, the credits have yet to roll. But we still need to learn some cyber lessons to protect America, suggest John McCain.
updated 5:39 PM EST, Mon December 22, 2014
Conservatives know easing the trade embargo with Cuba is good for America. They should just admit it, says Fareed Zakaria.
updated 8:12 PM EST, Fri December 19, 2014
We're a world away from Pakistan in geography, but not in sentiment, writes Donna Brazile.
updated 12:09 PM EST, Fri December 19, 2014
How about a world where we have murderers but no murders? The police still chase down criminals who commit murder, we have trials and justice is handed out...but no one dies.
updated 6:45 PM EST, Thu December 18, 2014
The U.S. must respond to North Korea's alleged hacking of Sony, says Christian Whiton. Failing to do so will only embolden it.
updated 4:34 PM EST, Fri December 19, 2014
President Obama has been flexing his executive muscles lately despite Democrat's losses, writes Gloria Borger
ADVERTISEMENT
ADVERTISEMENT
ADVERTISEMENT
ADVERTISEMENT