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Djindjic key in Milosevic's fall
BELGRADE, Serbia -- Zoran Djindjic rose to Serbia's leadership on the wave of street protests that saw the eventual overthrow of former Yugoslav president Slovodan Milosevic. A reform-minded technocrat whose pro-Western outlook brought him many nationalist foes, Djindjic also made enemies by surrendering Milosevic to the war crimes tribunal at The Hague after his October 2000 downfall. Known to supporters as "The Manager" for his organizational skills and as "Little Slobo" to his detractors for his authoritarian tendencies, Djindjic also won the moniker "Serbia's Kennedy" from admirers following his Democratic Party's strong showing in 1993 elections. It was after that election that Djindjic soon ditched his Bohemian academic look, cut off his ponytail and turned to sober suits and ties. He would later be derided for his penchant for immaculate suits and big cars. His death at the age of 50 has reinforced some Serbs' view of Djindjic as the country's "own Kennedy" after the admired and assassinated young U.S. president, The Associated Press reported. As Serbia's first non-socialist or non-communist prime minister in more than 50 years, Djindjic was a pragmatic modernizer dedicated to free-market reform who sought to crack down on corruption and organized crime. "We can tell the citizens we will fight for their rights and we can say that this is going to be the first government that will not be dealing with itself but with the interests of the citizens," Reuters quoted Djindjic as telling reporters in December 2000. Coming to power under the weight of troubles left over from the Kosovo war, he also faced the dual challenges of tempering ethnic Albanians' breakaway ambitions in the southern province of Kosovo and negotiating the dissolution of Yugoslavia into a loose union between Serbia and Montenegro. With a population desperate to improve a standard of living that ranks among Europe's lowest, Djindjic -- who spoke both German and English and was always ready with a soundbite -- worked hard to bring the country into Europe's mainstream. He gained public respect for his willingness to surrender Milosevic to The Hague in June 2001 in exchange for $1.2 billion in international economic aid. But he also clashed with the more cautious Vojislav Kostunica -- his former ally and Milosevic's successor -- over the pace of reform and Milosevic's surrender in the face of a constitutional ban on such extraditions. They disagreed over Djindjic's demand for summary firings of police and state security chiefs and his threats to attack ethnic Albanian rebels in a post-war buffer zone along Kosovo's boundary with Serbia, Reuters said.
Their feud left Serbia's much-needed economic and social reforms virtually paralyzed. Djindjic accused Kostunica of nationalist rhetoric and pessimism, while Kostunica accused Djindjic of seeking to turn Serbia into a "Colombia-style" mafia state. He criticized the prime minister's suave public image, entourage of bodyguards and upscale lifestyle. Djindjic also was criticized by opponents for seeking too much power and for "mercilessly" combating his political rivals. He angered coalition partners with alleged attempts by associates to take control of mismanaged state enterprises in the chaos after the October 2000 uprising that ousted Milosevic. The 18-party coalition they co-led split after Kostunica's party left the coalition, and Djindjic outmaneuvered Kostunica when Yugoslavia was transformed into a new, loose union renamed Serbia and Montenegro -- leaving Kostunica without an official post. From '70s rebel to prime ministerZoran Djindjic was born August 1, 1952, in Bosanski Samac, Bosnia -- then part of the former Yugoslavia's six-state communist federation -- the son of a Yugoslav People's Army officer. He was raised and educated in Belgrade. In the early 1970s, he enrolled in the philosophy school at Belgrade University, a hotbed of liberal opposition to dictator Josip Broz Tito's Communist regime.
Tito imprisoned Djindjic in 1974 for trying to organize an independent students' group with leaders from neighboring Yugoslav capitals of Zagreb, Croatia, and Ljubljana, Slovenia. In 1977, after his release, Djindjic went to West Germany, where he earned a doctorate in philosophy at the University of Konstantz in Germany. His academic career continued abroad, mostly at German universities. He returned to Belgrade in 1989 after the fall of the Berlin Wall and co-founded the Democratic Party, which took 12 percent of the vote in 1993 elections. Never a member of the long-ruling Communists, Djindjic became the party's president in 1994 and took to championing liberalism and technocratic reform. But some critics raised questions when Djindjic adopted a hardline stand on Bosnia's war and flirted briefly with Milosevic's regime. He supported a Bosnian Serb separatist campaign to break up the ex-Yugoslav republic, saying they would not be safe in the new state with Muslims. In 1994, he visited the Bosnian Serb headquarters in Pale as they laid siege to nearby Sarajevo, Reuters said. He pursued talks with Milosevic on a non-partisan government, but Milosevic found a leftist coalition partner after the talks collapsed. Eminent members of Djindjic's party resigned, accusing him of thirsting for power at the expense of democracy.
In 1996, Djindjic formed the Zajedno (Together) reform bloc with maverick firebrand Vuk Draskovic and civil rights activist Vesna Pesic. After Milosevic annulled the results of municipal elections, the three led street marches and rallies that drew up to half a million people a day for 88 straight days. Eventually, Milosevic recognized key opposition victories and Djindjic became mayor of Belgrade. But Milosevic starved the new reformist municipalities of funds, and Djindjic lost his mayor's post in 1997 amid the collapse of Zajedno. In 1999, Djindjic fled to Montenegro fearing attack by Milosevic's agents during NATO's air strikes on Yugoslavia. Djindjic returned to form an 18-party coalition and launched another street crusade for democracy. The fresh demonstrations failed to generate momentum, though, and by mid-2000, with Yugoslavia's opposition in disarray, Djindjic's political prospects appear to be teetering. After Milosevic called early elections, Djindjic endorsed Kostunica to lead a democratic coalition against their long-time foe.
When Milosevic failed to recognize Kostunica's victory in the September 2000 presidential election, Djindjic played an instrumental role in organizing street protests that forced Milosevic to concede defeat. As protesters stormed the parliament building on October 5, Djindjic was said to keep in close touch with security forces no longer loyal to Milosevic. He led his party to a landslide victory in December 2000 parliamentary elections, and in February 2001 he became prime minister, emerging as the country's second most powerful man. Djindjic is survived by his wife, Ruzica, a lawyer, and their two children: son Luka and daughter Jovana. Copyright 2003 CNN. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. Associated Press contributed to this report.
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